Sociology Now, Census Update

Functionalism was, itself, “functional” in explaining society during a period

of stability and conformity like the 1950s. But by the end of the decade there were

rumblings of change—from individuals and groups who came to believe that what

functioned for some groups wasn’t so functional for other groups. They pushed

sociologists to see the world differently.

Conflict Theories: An Alternative Paradigm

In the 1960s, many sociologists, inspired more by Marx and Weber than by Durkheim

and Parsons, argued that this celebrated ability of American institutions to respond to

social problems was itself the problem. American institutions did not solve problems;

they caused them by allocating resources unequally. The United States was a society

based on structural inequality, on the unequal distribution of rewards. The rich got

richer and the poor got poorer—and the institutions of the economy, the political

process, and social reforms often perpetuated that inequality.

Generally, these sociologists adopted a theoretical paradigm that was called

conflict theory—a theory that suggested that the dynamics of society, both of social

order and social resistance, were the result of the conflict among different groups.

Like Marx and Weber before them, conflict theorists believed that those who had

power sought to maintain it; those who did not have power sought to change the sys-

tem to get it. The constant struggles between the haves and the have-nots was the

organizing principle of society, and the dynamic tension between these groups gave

society its motion and its coherence. Conflict theories included those that stressed gen-

der inequality (feminist theory), racial inequality (critical race theory), or class-based

inequality (Marxist theory or socialist theory).

For two decades, the 1970s and 1980s, these two theories, functionalism and

conflict theory, were themselves in conflict as the dominant theoretical perspectives

26 CHAPTER 1WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY?

How Religious Are People?

How do we measure religiosity? One way is through self-reports of feelings. Another is through

behavior, such as church attendance or frequency of prayer. Religion is a major social institution

and an important agent of socialization. Our religious group membership teaches us how often

we should pray. Protestants, for example, report praying more frequently than Americans of other

religions. Other statuses and roles we occupy, such as gender, have expectations for behavior sur-

rounding religion as well. So, what do you think?

See the back of the chapter to compare your answers to national survey data.

1.1

What

do

you

think

❍Several times a day

❍Once a day

❍Several times a week

❍Once a week

❍Less than once a week

❍Never

About how often do you pray?

?

Log on to
http://www.MySocLab.com to participate
in these polls and view your class’s
responses.