Governance of Biodiversity Conservation in China And Taiwan

(Kiana) #1

Chapter 4 we pointed to the lack of integration and centralized unity in the
institutional framework of biodiversity conservation, which is consonant with
Lieberthal’s discussion of ‘fragmented authoritarianism’.^26 The fragmented
nature of the policy structure does open up opportunities for economic and
environmental organizations, principally in the absence of a basic consensus
on issues. Social groups thus have the opportunity to negotiate and bargain
until a new consensus is formed. As Unger notes:


‘If China is to attain an organized “public space” of the type that is projected by
theories of civil society, it is likely to be through this route of associations
gravitating from state corporatist to a societal corporatist mode of organization.’^27

Thus, the somewhat fluid nature of the Chinese corporatist system gives
opportunities to business enterprises and also to environmental organizations.
The state-business relationship in Taiwan has long been described as
dominance of the ‘developmental state’, which has four elements:



  1. A coherent, effective bureaucratic system. The system is led by techno-
    crats and ‘pilot organizations’ as a whole. Rational bureaucrats initiate
    policies pertinent to export-led growth, and avoid rent-seeking behaviors
    from the business community.

  2. An authoritarian political system to suppress political as well as economic
    demands from the society. The authoritarian system protects the state’s
    autonomy from social and business penetration.

  3. Direct intervention of the state into economic life. The state picks the
    ‘winner’ and reorganizes domestic business structures to implement
    economic goals initiated by the bureaucracies.

  4. East Asian developmental states are embedded in a Confucian political
    culture emphasizing public instead of private interests. This cultural
    background fosters the emergence of a strong state.^28


Consonant with the developmental state model, during Taiwan’s authoritarian
era, business interests were channeled through the patron-client framework of
the one-party political system. By means of condensed networks with local
factions and state-owned enterprises, the Taiwanese business community
developed a reciprocal relationship with the authoritarian state. The rise of
new social forces in the era of democratization influenced patterns of state-
business interaction. Domestic big enterprises consolidated their relationships
with the state through direct participation in electoral politics. Large firms also
formed strategic alliances with the ruling as well as opposition parties to
enhance their political influence. They made campaign donations and helped
establish policy think tanks for politicians. For SMEs, the common way
to increase political power was to establish business associations. This


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