numbers, especially at the local level. Then there are the ‘quasi governmental,
quasi people’ (banguan banmin), or ‘governmental as well as people’ (Yiguan
yimin) organizations. These do not depend entirely on the government for their
income and have more freedom in decision making. On the whole, Chinese
NGOs gradually seem to be moving out from under governmental control.
Social organizations have created new programs, mobilized citizen participa-
tion, promoted multiple interests, provided alternatives for professional and
social services and practiced democratic procedures.^85
The situation of Chinese ENGOs reflects the general tendencies of Chinese
civil society and other NGOs. As Ho observes, Chinese environmentalism has
two main features: its broad development and the lack of confrontation with
the national government. We can add a third: its gradual evolution. Green
social organizations are increasingly courting government approval and
influence in policy making instead of seeking a potentially dangerous
confrontation with the state. Previously we described the variety of green
organizations, which differ widely in origins, scope of activities, and manner
of resource mobilization. Some social organizations work on issues that attract
widespread attention by the media; others opt for a low public profile, working
on highly specialized technical or legal issues. Due to their recent
development, many are weak in terms of organization, and human and
financial resources.
What is striking about China’s contemporary social associations is their
heavy dependence on a strong and charismatic leadership, which could prove
problematic in the long run.^86 This is particularly true of environmental groups,
such as Friends of Nature and the Global Village of Beijing. Individual
initiative has also spawned a growing number of volunteer organizations,
which provide advice and services in a wide range of areas, including health-
care, personal counseling, assistance to the disabled and elderly, and legal
information.^87
In contrast, Taiwan’s environmental movement is characterized by the
largely domestic nature of its financing, staffing, agenda setting, and
implementation. Michael Hsiao argues that international governmental and
non-governmental organizations make no direct contribution to the rise and
operation of Taiwan’s social movement and indigenous NGOs.^88 During the
process of Taiwan’s democratic transition, NGOs accumulated social capital
and public trust in Taiwanese society. ENGOs helped to create a plural society
through the enlargement of channels of social participation and communica-
tion. They were champions and advocates of Taiwan’s democratization at the
early stage, and laid a foundation for democratic consolidation after the mid-
1990s. Upon the transition of political power in 2000, Taiwanese NGOs began
to develop a different relationship with the DPP. The DPP-ENGO partnership
became especially unstable because as a ruling party, the DPP acknowledged
186 Governance of biodiversity conservation in China and Taiwan