The Economist April 30th 2022 United States 35
E
veninacityascongestedasChicago,
trafficjamsrarelyformatseven
o’clockinthemorningona Saturday.At
thattimeonApril23rd,however,there
werealreadyover 300 carsqueuing
outsidea branchofbpinEastGarfield
Park.Theystretchedfromthepetrol
stationforecourtaroundanentirecity
block.Driverssatintheircars,which
rangedfrombatteredToyotastonew
RangeRovers,waitingtopullinfor$50
worthoffreepetrolcourtesyofWillie
Wilson,a Chicagomillionairewhois
standingformayoragainnextyear.
Thoseatthefrontofthequeuehadar
rivedat4am.
Thegiveaway,whichalsotookplace
at 15 otherplacesinthecityand11 inthe
suburbs,wasMrWilson’sthirdintwo
months.Hehasspentsome$2.2m,most
lyinmajorityblackneighbourhoods,
buyingpeoplepetrol.“It’sa gooduseof
thedollartohelpa lotoffamilies,”he
toldtheChicagoSunTimes.
Thatseemsquestionable.Overa
quarterofChicagohouseholds,and
highersharesofthepoorest,donotown
cars.Andthecityisalreadychokedwith
traffictoomuchofthetime.Still,Mr
Wilson’slargesseispopular.“It’sa good
lookforChicago,”saidDavidJones,
queuingina ChevroletImpala,itswing
mirrorhangingoff.Therisingcostof
petrolisofparticularconcerninthe
neighbourhoodsMrWilsontargeted,
wherepublictransportisoftenpoor.
Willit helphimbecomemayor?Mr
Wilson,a 73yearoldwhocametoChica
gofromLouisianaasa childandmade
hismoneywitha McDonald’sfranchise
andthena medicalsuppliescompany,is
unlikelytowintheelectionnextFebru
ary.Buthissupportamongblackvoters
couldhurtLoriLightfoot,theincumbent.
In2015,whenMrWilsonlastran,hewon
just11%ofthevote,butfarmoreinthe
blackwardswhichMsLightfootwill
needif sheistowinagain.
Sheisclearlyrattled.OnApril27th
shepersuadedthecitycounciltoap
provea plantodistribute50,000pre
paidcardsforpetrolandpublictrans
port,ata costof$12.5m.Votersmaynot
beimpressed.“She’susingthecity’s
money,he’susinghisownmoney,”notes
DerrickOrr,a schoolprincipalwaitingin
hisRangeRoverandfullofpraiseforMr
Wilson.Thecityneedsotherstuffmore
urgentlythanfreepetrol,heargues.But
it ishardfora cashstrappedpoliticianto
fighta manhandingoutfreebies.
Freepetrol
Tank warfare
C HICAGO
AChicagomillionaireopenshiswallettochallengethemayor
Landofthefreebie
Faithandfreedom
An almighty win?
A
merica’sconstitutionpromisesthe
“free exercise” of religion; it also pro
hibits religious “establishment”. Recently
the Supreme Court has been strengthening
the first guarantee—a right to live one’s
faith free from government meddling—
while chipping away at the wall separating
church from state. The divergent trend
lines of these First Amendment guarantees
are unlikely to converge in the case of Jo
seph Kennedy, a devout Christian Ameri
canfootball coach who was suspended for
praying after games in Washington state.
Kennedy v Bremerton School District,the
first case involving prayer and public
schools to reach the high court since 2000,
is messy. The Supreme Court typically de
cides on the law, not the facts; ascertaining
facts is the district court’s job. But on April
25th factual disputes about what exactly
Mr Kennedy did and why he was suspend
ed took centre stage in the oral argument.
Paul Clement, the lawyer for Mr Kenne
dy, claimed his client lost his job for priv
ate, “fleeting” prayers conducted by him
self on the 50yard line after two games in
October 2015. Richard Katskee, represent
ing the school board, told a different story:
Mr Kennedy had been praying with stu
dents since he started coaching in 2008.
Teachers and coaches can of course have
“quiet prayers by themselves at work even
if students can see”, Mr Katskee said, but
Mr Kennedy made himself “the centre of
attention” during many midfield supplica
tions and “pressured” students to pray.
Justice Stephen Breyer laid out what he
took to be six facts. These included an un
answered letter the district sent Mr Kenne
dy proposing accommodations for him to
pray less demonstratively. Mr Clement as
sented to those, but said there were “lots of
other facts that are in the record that I
think are highly relevant”.
Justice Samuel Alito urged Mr Katskee
to “forget about all of the complicated facts
in this case” and ponder whether a football
coach praying, without inviting or exclud
ing anyone, risked establishing religion.
Chief Justice John Roberts asked whether,
if Mr Kennedy’s politicisation of the issue
by inviting legislators to pray with him was
taken “off the table”, his actions would be
kosher in the school board’s eyes.
In building its case against Mr Kennedy,
the school board had relied on the “en
dorsement test”, a standard first used by
Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in 1984
whereby a constitutional violation occurs
when a “reasonable observer” finds the
government’s imprimatur on religious ex
pression. It has fallen out of favour among
the justices. As a lowercourt judge in 2010,
Neil Gorsuch said it was “far from clear”
the test remained an appropriate measure.
Recognising this, Mr Katskee sought to
characterise the prayers as “coercive”—a
test the conservative justices are less sus
picious of. But Justice Brett Kavanaugh pre
sented the concerns in Kennedy as a depar
ture from precedent. In contrast to the reli
gious invocations at publicschool gradua
tions that the court found coercive inLee v
Weismanin 1992, he said, Kennedyinvolves
only “subtle” or “implicit” pressure.
The links between Leeand Kennedyare
stronger than Justice Kavanaugh lets on:
both ask whether youngsters will feel
pushed to take part in religious rituals they
don’t believe in. And there’s an extra incen
tive for athletes, as one former Bremerton
student attests. Staying on the coach’s
good side is crucial for those who want
playing time. Participation in the prayer
circles, the student said, is “expected”.
Four justices signalled support for Mr
Kennedy when the case first came to the
Supreme Court in 2019. This week one or
two more—Justice Amy Coney Barrett and
Chief Justice Roberts—sounded inclined to
join that quartet in poohpoohing religion
state separationinfavour of free religious
exercise. Mr Kennedy’s chances of redemp
tion seem high.n
N EW YORK
The Supreme Court is poised to side
with a praying football coach