The Economist April 30th 2022 Finance & economics 69
looking grim. The preliminary readingfor
April was near its lowest point in more
than a decade—and, crucially, was 26%
lower than its level a year earlier. Fallsthis
sharp are often associated with recessions.
The other survey is the Conference
Board’s gauge of consumer confidence.Es
tablished in 1967, it is an equally respected
snapshot of the American consumer.And
it is markedly more upbeat. A subindex
measuring what consumers think about
the present situation is near its highestlev
el since the start of the pandemic, thougha
separate subindex measuring their expec
tations is far more subdued.
The divergence between the twosur
veys can largely be explained by theirdif
ferent focuses. Both consist of five ques
tions, but of a very different kind. Twoof
the questions in the Michigan surveyask
respondents about their personal finances
and one asks whether they think it agood
time to make a big household purchase,
such as a television. These questionsare
likely to pick up current concerns aboutin
flation. The Michigan survey asks nothing
about personal job prospects. By contrast,
two of the five questions in the Conference
Board survey are specifically aboutem
ployment conditions. Its survey is, in other
words, calibrated to pick up the currentop
timism about the labour market.
Unfortunately for the American econ
omy, the rosier Conference Board survey
does not simply cancel out the gloomier
Michigan alternative. Such a big diver
gence is itself a signal. Economists at Deut
sche Bank say that compared with the
Michigan survey, the Conference Board
measure tends to be dominated by lagging
indicators that perform well late in thecy
cle, making the spread between thecur
rentconditions gauge in the two surveys
their favourite indicator of cyclicalcon
sumer sentiment. It is flashing red today,
with the gap close to its widest in more
than half a century. At such a level, itsig
nals that the probability of a recessionis
around 50% over the next year—roughly
twice as high as many economists current
ly estimate. Whatever the true figureis,it
seems clear that consumers are feelinga
pinch from inflation and are increasingly
anxious about the near future, despiteben
efiting from a strong jobs market today.
Economists look at many other indica
tors beyond surveys of consumers, of
course. Financial conditions, particularly
the shrinking gap between yields on long
dated Treasuries and shorterterm bonds,
are another portent of slower growth.Or
ders for durable goods, by contrast, point
to resilience. Ultimately, all these indica
tors confirm what is all too evident from
past precedents for such a hot economy:
that the Federal Reserve will need ample
skill and good fortune if it is to tame price
pressures without inducing a recession.n
Stimulusinthepandemic
Ill-gotten gains
I
t wasacriminal’sparadise.InJune 2020
a firm in Milan secured a €60,000
($63,300) government loan to cope with
the pandemicinduced downturn. But the
business did not exist. The Italian govern
ment had in fact sent cash to the ’Ndrang
heta Mafia of Calabria. The same month six
French citizens swindled €12m in unem
ployment benefits by claiming funds for
employees at 3,600 shell companies. A Tex
an man filed loan applications for 15 made
up firms and pocketed $24.8m in govern
ment support.
As countries scale back unparalleled
emergencyrelief programmes there is
growing interest in where the funds went.
The imfestimates that since January 2020
governments have doled out $15.5trn in
nonhealthcare spending and loans in re
sponse to the covid19 pandemic. The rush
to support households and firms led to
poor procurement, messy programmes
and inadequate oversight. The best esti
mates of fraud, so far, are from Britain and
America; other countries, where wrong
doing may well have been more prevalent,
lack audits tracing where the money went.
In America at least 4.5% of funding under
the caresAct, the largest pandemicstim
ulus bill, went to cheats. Applying that fig
ure globally suggests that nearly $700bn
could have ended up in the wrong hands.
In Britain fraud and error—losses due
to crime and mistaken payments—across
five economicrelief schemes exceed
£16bn ($21bn), roughly a tenth of the
£166bn spent, according to official reports.
That tally could well rise: the National Au
ditOfficecalculatesthatfraud from just
one of the programmes, the Bounce Back
Loan Scheme—whose reported losses ac
count for a quarter of the sum—could
reach £26bn, 55% of its total spending,
when investigations come to a close.
Spending in America was larger—and
so was the waste. The Secret Service reck
ons $100bn has been stolen from the
$2.2trn caresAct. If prepandemic fraud
levels were sustained, at least $87bn in un
employment insurance—which got a bud
getary bump during the pandemic—would
have been captured by crooks. Auditors
reckon the true fraud rate is much higher.
Scams and mismanagement are inev
itable in programmes of such a scale. But
past stimulus efforts were cleaner. In the
decade since the financial crisis, investiga
tors recovered only $57m in fraudulent
funds from the American Recovery and Re
investment Act of 2009, an $840bn stimu
lus package. Cheats continue to be exposed
over time, but even if all cases still being
audited are confirmed as criminal, the pro
gramme’s fraud rate will reach only 0.6%.
Other government schemes lose less, too.
The rate of total healthcare fraud in Amer
ica hovers at around 3%. Britain mistaken
ly overpaid around 1.5% of work and pen
sion benefits a year in the decade to 2019.
The covid19 stimulus waste estimates,
by contrast, are alarming—especially as
the true extent of fraud could take years to
uncover. But some misspending may have
been unavoidable. When crisis struck
economists urged governments to do
whatever it took to avoid colossal damage.
Speedy action did just that. America distri
buted stimulus cheques to 90m people in
less than a month. In rich countries real
disposable income per person rose by 3%
in 2020. That kind of offset might not have
been possible with slower, more carefully
crafted policies.
More scrutiny is coming. In March
three dozen Republican senators demand
ed more transparency about how funds
were spent before signing up to more pan
demicrelated funding. Joe Biden has ap
pointed a chief prosecutor to take down
criminals who tried to profit from the pan
demic. And some justice is already being
served. The French fraudsters were arrest
ed and the Texan creator of fictional firms
pleaded guilty to moneylaundering.Asfor
the Mafia in Milan? The Italian govern
ment caught on and froze their assets.n
Vast amounts of money have gone missing from stimulus schemes