The Sunday Times May 1, 2022 13mental than whether it works economi-
cally: “The fundamental objection is the
separation of Northern Ireland from the
rest of Great Britain. The protocol must
go in its entirety. There’s no middle path.
A fudge is not going to do it.”
Bryson says that were the DUP to
ignore this opinion “they would be
devoured by the grassroots”.
He also warns against Donaldson
returning in a subordinate position to
O’Neill. “I can’t see any Unionist leader is
ever going to want to be the first in history
to walk Sinn Fein down the aisle.”
The likelihood that there will be no
return to devolved government has been
seized on by Sinn Fein as a stick to beat
the DUP. Finucane says: “We want to lead
an executive. We want to work with other
parties. If you’re serious, you have to be
round that table irrespective of how
people vote on May 5. I think that’s a
dereliction of your political duties if you
walk away.”
A Sinn Fein win this week is not a done
deal. And the immediate effects of a
nationalist victory would be more
symbolic than actual. But this is a place
where symbolism is painted, sometimes
literally, on every wall.
Nor, if they win in Northern Ireland, is
it certain Sinn Fein would triumph in the
Republic, or that they could form a gov-
ernment if they did, still less that that
would lead quickly to a united Ireland.
“There is a paradox,” one DUP heavy-
weight says. “If Sinn Fein wins in the
South in 2025 then it is less likely thatmiddle-ground people in the North
would want to vote for a united Ireland in
a referendum. They wouldn’t want to
join a country ruled by Sinn Fein.” Polls
show firm support for reunification at
only about a third of voters.
However, a double nationalist win
would change the face of politics.
Another prominent DUP figure says: “It
would mean that we go from a border poll
being a slightly fringe issue to it being like
Scotland where we wouldn’t hear about
anything else.”
Finucane believes there will be a
united Ireland in his lifetime. But he
makes clear that his party wants to pro-
ceed with caution. He wants a citizen’s
assembly, convened by the Irish govern-
ment, on an all-Ireland basis.
The immediate crisis is the one affect-
ing Unionism, rather than the Union.
Ministers believe Northern Ireland is
heading towards a summer of violence
and constitutional paralysis. One pointed
to the recent bomb scare in Belfast during
a visit by Simon Coveney, the Irish foreign
minister. “If we do not fix the protocol we
are going to have violence in Northern
Ireland,” a senior minister said.
That bomb scare was attributed to UVF
paramilitaries to whom, it is claimed,
Bryson has links. As the sun begins to set,
he denies membership of the group but
adds: “I’m not going to turn my back on
people who were loyalist combatants
during the conflict.” This is as blunt an
answer as I’ve ever got from a political
activist and Bryson is about to getblunter. He pins the blame for the return
of violence to political discourse on the
Irish government, which warned during
the Brexit negotiations that any hard
border between North and South would
become a target for extremists. “Violence
was dressed up in its best birthday suit
and brought to the party by the Irish gov-
ernment,” he says. “They weaponised
the threat of a potential return to vio-
lence. They talked this up.”
He describes the dispute over the pro-
tocol as “a boiling pot” and “a perfect
storm”. To me and in the text of a speech
due to be given last night in Bangor, he
says Unionist support for the Good Fri-
day agreement is “losing currency”. He
says: “Loyalist support for peace was
based upon the idea that the Union was
safe and the principle of consent
protected that. That no longer applies.”
With chilling fluency, he goes on: “I’m
not condoning violence, but if a young
loyalist says, ‘The Irish government
talked up the threat of violence for politi-
cal leverage and as a result of that our
place in the Union has been subjugated,
why should the threat of violence not be
good enough to get rid of the Irish Sea
border?’ it’s very difficult to argue against
that logically. I don’t want violence, but
that is the powder keg precedent that has
been created.”
I am reminded of the politician who
said: “Everything before the ‘but’ is
bullshit.”
Editorial, page 24I won’t
turn my
back on
fightersJames Bryson,
the Unionist
activist. Right,
a Ballymena
protest yesterdayLOCAL ELECTIONS
Helene McBride and Pamela Samra
disagree about the parties scndalStarmer
did it
as well,
didn’t he?Bolton looked
like a galaxy far,
far away
yesterday as Star
Wars fans turned
their attention to
local politicsA
t Betty’s cafe, across the road
from Hillingdon station, two
friends are talking politics over
a cup of tea.
Labour voter Pamela Samra,
54, who works in a school, will
back the party again at the
ballot box on Thursday. Sitting
opposite her, Helene McBride, 66, a
retired machine operator, will be
supporting the Tories.
These are local elections — but when
asked who she’ll be voting for, McBride
answers “Boris.”
The partygate scandal which has
engulfed the Conservatives hasn’t put
her off. “He got caught,” she says, “he’s
not the only one that did it.”
Samra disagrees. “I think it’s
disgusting,” she says. “There’s loads of
people who have lost their loved ones,
and we couldn’t go out... If they’re
breaking the rules, then you can’t tell
other people not to do something.”
In the prime minister’s constituency
of Uxbridge and South Ruislip, the
conversation mirrors a wider pattern.
Labour voters are incensed by the
Downing Street revelry, and government
sleaze — but Boris Johnson’s supporters
are often prepared to forgive.
In Uxbridge town centre, Andy
Philippou, 70, a caterer, is also sticking
with the Conservatives. “I like Boris,” he
said. “And I liked it when he had a drink
with his staff during the coronavirus as
well, what’s wrong with that?”
Ian Edwards, Conservative leader of
Hillingdon council, admits the recent
scandals are somewhat cutting through
— at least in some areas of the borough.
“There is an observation that the
greater the household wealth, the more
the national issues and Boris become an
argument,” he said.
Both parties are keen to fight the
election on local issues. And while Tory
supporters may not necessarily switch to
Labour, it could see some stay at home,
both parties admitted.
Recent Westminster sleaze is likely to
have an impact on turnout across the
spectrum, Edwards says.
Yesterday, neither party leader’s
name featured on leaflets being handed
out. Instead, investment in roads and
footpaths was being promised by the
Conservatives, with a zero-tolerance
approach to antisocial behaviour a key
message from Labour.Hannah Al-OthmanHILLINGDON
From north to south, there’s anger — and apathy
Many see this week’s results as a
crucial moment in Johnson’s leadership -
if the Conservatives haemorrhage
council seats, it may lead MPs,
particularly in marginal constituencies,
to question his position.
Yet in Hillingdon, at least, the focus is
very much on bins — not Boris.
“Everybody is trying to paint this as
some sort of proxy referendum,” says
Edwards, over a post-campaigning
coffee. “It genuinely isn’t, and shouldn’t
be. And the more you make it, the more
you devalue politics in my book.”
Although Labour is not currently
embroiled in the same level of scandal as
the Conservatives, it has a different
problem. While the PM has a quasi-
celebrity status, when asked for her
opinion of Starmer, McBride, at the café
with her friend, replies: “Who?”
The comment is even echoed by
Labour group leader Peter Curling. “I’ve
never, never heard Keir Starmer on the
doorstep,” he says. “I’m not sure
whether that’s good or bad.”
“It’s amazing. I’ve been a councillor
since 2002, and every campaign I’ve
been involved with the leader of the
party, whoever that happens to be, has
always been on doorstep,” he adds.
The Tories have tried to muddy the
water over partygate — asking police to
investigate Starmer, who was pictureddrinking a post-campaign beer. This
rhetoric is gaining traction on the
doorstep.
“Starmer did it as well, didn’t he?”
says Chris Liggitt, 54, a video editor,
when asked about parties. “So we’re all
the same, aren’t we?” Normally, Liggitt
votes Conservative. This time, he is
undecided due to concerns about local
issues — but at a general election? “Boris
again, easy. Because there’s no one else,
is there?” he adds.
Although both Labour and the Tories
are desperately trying to bring the fight
back to Hillingdon, it is national issues
that are being raised.
Dean Johnson, 36, who works for a
telecoms company, is voting Labour. His
main issue is the cost of living — which he
thinks the party is better placed to
tackle. “That impacts on me more than
anything else at the moment,” he said.
While Barnet and Wandsworth were
always more likely gains for Labour in
London, a few weeks ago, as Keir
Starmer’s party galloped ahead in the
polls, it looked as if Hillingdon may just
be within reach.
The council has been Conservative-
led since 2006. The last time Labour
were in charge here was 1998, before it
slipped to No Overall Control when the
Lib Dems went into coalition with the
Tories. Johnson’s seat has been
Conservative since its inception in 2010.
Boundary changes here mean the
number of council seats up for grabs has
dropped to 55. This makes Labour’s job
easier — currently they have less than
half as many councillors as the
Conservatives, but the number they
need to take to win has reduced from 35
to 27. “We’re hoping to make gains,”
Curling said. “I think it’s going to be a
very, very close-run race.”
His party made a net loss at the last set
of local elections in 2018, but this time
around their campaign is less defensive,
and more aggressive. Yet with Starmer’s
poll lead narrowed, their task looks
harder. “We remain confident,
optimistic, but we’re still working very
hard,” said Edwards, the Conservative.
As much as local politicians in
Hillingdon and elsewhere try to make it
otherwise, it will be national issues that
voters consider at the ballot box.
But in his own constituency perhaps
more so than anywhere else, it appears
that many electors are prepared to
overlook Johnson’s mistakes.
“He’s fine,” says Angus Gunn, 71, a
retired teacher, tending to his front
garden. “He’s our MP. You can’t say
better than that.”
@HannahAlOthmanCraig Collier, 36, who works in insurance
claims, said: “I won’t be voting for the
Conservatives, I’ll tell you that now. I
work in the town centre and it needs a
lot doing to it.”
On this issue, Labour and
Conservatives alike in the area are in
agreement. The rise of online shopping
and the pandemic has damaged Bolton
town centre. Both parties hope to build
hundreds of homes close to the shops to
turbo boost the local economy.
Martyn Cox, 53, a civil engineer and
father of three, was first elected to
Bolton council as Liberal Democrat,
before stepping down in 2007, then
returning in 2010 as a Conservative
councillor. Yesterday he was knocking
on the doors of Chew Moor village, a
largely affluent area, surrounded by
farmland, where Conservatives have
traditionally enjoyed a strong share of
the vote. The village falls under the
Bolton West constituency, held by Tory
MP Chris Green with a majority of
almost 9,000.
“We’re hearing that people are
annoyed with partygate issues, but what
voters are not saying is that they are so
annoyed with Boris Johnson they want
Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner to run
the country,” Cox said.
“We’re the only local party that has a
real plan for the town. We want
£20 million to improve the town centre,
and £50 million to boost the transport
links. We’ve only had a couple of years in
power. I just hope people stick with us to
give us the chance to put those plans into
action.”
For Cox to get his way, he will need to
convince swing voters like 54-year-old
Simon Dickinson, from Chew Moor, who
was out walking his dog yesterday when
Cox was door knocking.
“The partygate stuff obviously pisses
me off,” he said. “But I’m not too
impressed with Labour, either.”
@DavidCollinsSTDavid Collins
Northern EditorBoris hasn’t
come up
with the
moneyT
he force was not with Boris
Johnson in Bolton town centre
yesterday. Jacob Morrison, a
Star Wars fanatic, flanked by
friends dressed as Obi-Wan
Kenobi, Chewbacca and Darth
Vader, gave a string of reasons
for his disappointment with the
prime minister.
“I’m a card-carrying member of the
Conservative Party — I signed up last
year, but I won’t be voting for them on
Thursday,” said Morrison, 26, who was
raising money for charities outside
Bolton Market Place shopping centre.
“In fact, I’m planning to revoke my
membership. I’ll be voting for my
independent councillors — Farnworth
and Kearsley First.”
Morrison’s mother has chronic pain
syndrome, and he is paid £60 a week to
be her full-time carer. He tried to
persuade his Labour MP to help him get
a ramp fitted to the family home, but
says it was councillors for Farnworth
First who helped to get the house
adapted to his mother’s needs.
“They care about the local
community — they care about us,” he
said. “The national parties have had
their chance. They’ve done nothing.
Look at Bolton town centre. It’s dead.
The shops are closing. It needs
investment — and Boris hasn’t come up
with the money.
“Don’t get me wrong, out of the
national leaders I would still prefer Boris
as he believes in something and is proud
of being British. But I won’t vote Tory
this week.”
Bolton is a huge test for Johnson in
Thursday’s local elections, where 20 out
of 60 councillors will be elected. It is the
only Conservative-led council out of ten
local authorities in Greater Manchester.
The Tories in Bolton have been in
charge since 2019 after four decades of
Labour councils. Its leader, Martyn Cox,
has a plan to inject £20 million into
Bolton town centre, protect the green
belt and develop brownfield sites in the
sprawling town centre for private and
affordable housing. Cox runs a
minority-led council with 22
councillors, five more than Labour.
A third of Bolton’s councillors are
independents. The names of these
micro-parties are endless in the town —
Bolton Independent Group, CromptonIndependents, Horwich & Blackrod First
and Little Lever First. Local residents say
they gained popularity because of
frustrations over Brexit, and look set to
remain, powered by disillusioned voters
such as Morrison.
Nick Peel, the Labour group leader in
Bolton, believes their influence is on the
wane, and anger at Johnson is his chance
to seize wards.
“The main issue coming up on the
doorstep is the lack of trust and respect
in Boris Johnson and the government
over partygate, repeated lies and
scandals,” he said.
“A lot of people are angry. A lot of
Conservative voters in Bolton appear
quite flaky — whether that transforms to
staying at home or going out and voting
and remaining loyal, I don’t know.”
He is hoping to flip four target wards
in Bolton, riding on a wave of apparent
anger at the prime minister’s behaviour.
“I still feel the majority of voters are
quite tribal — they will go with their view
of the national party and apply that
locally,” Peel said.
Many in Bolton town centre yesterday
said they were still undecided. Paul
Sims, 45, said: “Whoever gets in power,
they do what they want, and stop caring
about people like us. They’re all the
same. Labour and Conservatives.”
Pushing a pram down the high street,BOLTON
While this sounds like a problem for
the DUP it is actually a problem for every-
one. Under the power-sharing structure,
the Northern Ireland executive cannot
exist unless both the largest Unionist and
nationalist parties join and nominate a
first minister and a deputy first minister.
The DUP pulled out over the protocol and
will not rejoin unless it is radically
changed. A constitutional crisis looms.
A narrow DUP win on Thursday and anew fudged deal between Britain and the
EU might give Donaldson enough of a fig
leaf to return to government.
In a key example of how politics on
both sides of the Irish Sea is bound
together in a cat’s cradle of interactions,
DUP insiders hope that Boris Johnson’s
leadership troubles at home plus the
ambitions of Liz Truss, the foreign secre-
tary, now in charge of Brexit talks, will
ensure the UK continues to take a tough
line with Brussels. The government is
introducing legislation in the Queen’s
Speech this month that would hand min-isters the power to switch off parts of the
protocol in UK law, including border
checks on goods arriving from Britain.
Yet an Irish diplomatic source warns
against this approach: “More unilateral-
ism by the UK government would only
destabilise things further in Northern
Ireland. A collaborative approach
focused on joint solutions is much more
likely to get a positive response from the
EU and assist the formation of the execu-
tive in Stormont.”
Crucially, EU concessions on the
protocol won’t satisfy Unionist
hardliners. I meet Bryson in Bangor, half
an hour out of Belfast, past the docks
where lorries are subjected to the border
checks. Bryson is a short, blond bundle of
energy with a chiselled chin and hard
eyes. Sipping a glass of Appletiser, he
softly but urgently makes clear that his
opposition to the protocol is more funda-The Sunday Times May 1, 2022 13pursued by stealth