The Economist May 7th 2022 23
Britain
Britainandtheoligarchs
Dirty capital
F
or yearsLondon has been awash in
Russian money, much of it begrimed.
Rich Russians flocked to the capital for a
variety of reasons. Some were looking for a
stable home for legitimate wealth. Some
sought tax benefits. Others were seeking to
launder dirty money, or to recycle wealth
earned in circumstances which, though
not brazenly criminal, looked corrupt to
Western eyes.
With a huge financial centre and a pref
erence for lighttouch regulation, Britain
was an ideal place to rinse stained money.
The country is relaxed about foreign ow
nership of trophy assets, from newspapers
to football clubs. London has oodles of lux
ury property, an ideal repository for large
bundles of cash in need of washing. Law
yers, bankers and other professionals offer
reassuringly discreet, and expensive, ser
vice. Add in the draw of topnotch schools
and universities, and no wonder the Na
tional Crime Agency (nca) thinks the
country has a moneylaundering problem
amounting to £100bn ($125bn) a year.
Successive British governments did lit
tle to discourage the Russian influx. The
war in Ukraine brought about an abrupt
change. Britain has slapped sanctions on
more than 1,600 individuals and business
es, including over 100 oligarchs and family
members who got rich under President
Vladimir Putin’s kleptocracy, or made
sweet with him to keep fortunes intact.
A longdelayed economiccrime bill
that makes it easier to prosecute interna
tional corruption cases was rushed
through Parliament in March, less than
three weeks after Russian forces entered
Ukraine. The government has scrapped the
investorvisa scheme, introduced by Sir
John Major’s government in 1994, that al
lowed any foreigner with a few million
pounds to spare who passed (fairly rudi
mentary)checks to buy residency.
The welcome mat is now being taken
away from Russian oligarchs. But getting
rid of the capital’s “Londongrad” nickname
is a narrower and easier task than abating
the overall flow of dirty money into Brit
ain. The country has sought to attract foot
loose global capital for decades, and not
just from postSoviet countries: Chinese
citizens have accounted for a third of the
investor visas handed out since 2008. And
noble attributes of Britain’s commonlaw
system, which include independent courts
and strong property rights, are attractive to
illicit actors, too. “Criminal money seeks
out many of the same protections as clean
money. If you stole your wealth, you’ll be
just as determined as anyone else not to
have it stolen from you in turn,” says Jason
Sharman of Cambridge University.
Reducing the amount of dirty money
flowing into the country will therefore be
hard. It requires further action in four ar
eas in particular: the law itself; the conduct
of those who practise it; the court system;
and, above all, enforcement of the rules.
Lawmat London
Start with the law. As well as liking destina
tions that respect the rule of law, klepto
crats also flock to places where financial
secrecy is most strongly enshrined. Britain
is a curate’s egg. It was the first g20 country
to introduce a public register of company
owners, in 2016. But those who file false (or
no) information are unlikely to get caught;
if they are, penalties are not draconian.
It remains easy and cheap to set up
opaque shell companies and partnerships.
In his new book “Butler to the World”, Oli
ver Bullough describes how “Scottish lim
ited partnerships” have proved especially
popular with those washing dirty money
from the former Soviet Union. And Britain
remains umbilically tied to offshore terri
tories, such as the British Virgin Islands,
whose business model is built on financial
Why is London so attractive to tainted foreign money?
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