32 Europe TheEconomistMay7th 2022
officeoftheBostonConsultingGroup.The
tiesthatUkrainianmigrantsandrefugees
areformingwillalsobringeconomicbene
fitsdowntheline,arguesMrKopczuk.
Theresponses ofcentral andeastern
EuropeanstatestotheUkrainecrisis“will
define theregionfor decades to come,”
saysSonaMuzikarovaofGlobsec,a think
tankinBratislava.Undeterredbytheeco
nomicpainofthewar,theyareshowingby
examplethatRussianaggressionmustbe
firmlyresisted.n
Good neighbours
Ukrainian refugee arrivals*
February 24th-May 3rd 2022, m
Source: UNHCR
*Includes people crossing the
Romania-Moldova border
2
Slovakia
Moldova
Hungary
Romania
Poland
0 1 2 3
Rising in the East
Consumer prices, % increase on a year earlier
April 2022 or latest available
Source:Eurostat
1
Euroarea
Hungary
Romania
Poland
Bulgaria
Slovakia
Czech Rep.
Latvia
Lithuania
Estonia
20151050
fidence, that could spell a “perfect storm”,
says Adam Czerniak, head of research at
Polityka Insight, a thinktank in Warsaw.
Higher interest rates and weakening econ
omies mean that rising government debt
will become more expensive to service, es
pecially in countries such as Hungary
where debt is already high.
Spending on refugees will further spur
inflation. Take housing. In Warsaw rents
have jumped by more than 30% since the
end of February. Strains on public services
are similar. Refugees have swelled Poland’s
population by almost 8% since the war in
Ukraine started in late February. That puts
pressure on health care and education,
which were already in poor shape. This will
be partially offset, however, by the new
comers joining the local labour forces. In
Slovakia and Hungary, the dedication of
ngos and private citizens has compensat
ed for a lack of public services for refugees.
The war’s economic costs to eastern Eu
rope look formidable. But that seems not to
have softened countries’ resolve. The eco
nomic hit is seen as manageable. Poland’s
economy, which remains strong, had not
seen a recession in almost three decades
until the covid19 pandemic, notes Woj
ciech Kopczuk of Columbia University. The
Baltic countries suffered much worse dur
ing the financial crisis, adds Morten Han
sen of the Stockholm School of Economics
in Riga. Citizens absorbed that suffering
because it was needed to join the euro, part
of the countries’ strategic drive to integrate
into the West. As in the current crisis, they
were willing to undergo economic pain to
safeguard their independence.
The war and its aftermath will have
some economic benefits for eastern Eu
rope. Bulgaria aims to become a regional
energy hub. Poland in particular stands to
gain from Ukraine’s postwar reconstruc
tion and its increasing integration into the
eu. “No Western country has as close inter
governmental ties with Ukraine as Po
land,” says Oktawian Zajac of the Warsaw
AustriaandRussia
Blowingbridges
VIENNA
Austriaisatlastrethinkingitscosy
tieswithRussia
“D
espite beinga neutral country, Aus
tria positioned itself very clearly,”
says Karl Nehammer, Austria’s chancellor.
Sitting in his offices at Vienna’s baroque
Ballhausplatz, he says that Austria’s imme
diate backing of eusanctions against Rus
sia surprised many. Austria gave €60m
($64m) to ngos to help Ukraine and donat
ed helmets, protective vests and fuel. The
small country has taken in 66,000 Ukrai
nian refugees. Mr Nehammer sees his visit
to Vladimir Putin on April 11th to appeal for
a ceasefire as part of that support.
Others thought the visit showed ambiv
alence. Indeed, Mr Nehammer’s backing of
Ukraine was not assured. Austria, which
became neutral during the cold war at Sovi
et insistence, has been notably friendly to
the Kremlin in recent decades. Eastern
Europeans refer to it as Russia’s Trojan
horse in western Europe. After Mr Putin
annexed Crimea in 2014, Austria was the
first Western country to welcome him for a
visit. The farright Austrian Freedom Party
(fpö) frequently criticised the eu’s sanc
tions against Russia and praised the coun
try as a bastion of cultural conservatism.
The AustroRussian love affair peaked
during the first government of Sebastian
Kurz, a coalition between his övpand the
fpöfrom 2017 to 2019. Karin Kneissl, then
Mr Kurz’s foreign minister, had Mr Putin to
her wedding; images of her curtsying to
him after they danced went viral. In 2018
Mr Putin and Mr Kurz met four times.
Mr Kurz’s government fell in 2019, after
a secretly filmed video showed Heinz
Christian Strache, then vice chancellor and
leader of the fpö,seeming to accept an of
fer of financing from a woman pretending
to be the niece of a Russian oligarch. (The
meeting took place at a louche drinking
party in Ibiza; the woman offered to invest
€250m in Austria and buy newspapers to
support the fpö.)Mr Kurz returned to pow
er in 2020 with a coalition government
that included the Greens and a foreign
minister, Alexander Schallenberg, who is a
committed Atlanticist. The flirtation with
Mr Putin started to cool. “Austria vastly
overestimated the geopolitical role it could
play as a bridgebuilder between Russia
and the West,” says Gerhard Mangott of
Innsbruck University.
Still, economic relations are substan
tial. Austria gets 80% of its natural gas
from Russia. Onequarter of all gas deliver
ies from Russia to the euflow through a
hub in Baumgarten, in lower Austria. Rus
sia is the country’s numbertwo foreign in
vestor after Germany, with investments of
€21.4bn in 2020. Raiffeisenbank Interna
tional, Austria’s secondbiggest bank,
made 35% of its profits in 2021 in Russia,
where it employs 9,300 workers.
Cultural ties are close, too. Russians
play key roles in Austrian cultural institu
tions. Ekaterina Degot runs Steirischer
Herbst, a contemporaryart festival in Styr
ia; Anna Netrebko, an opera singer, re
ceived Austrian citizenship in 2006. She is
still scheduled to sing at Vienna’s state op
era, whereas other houses, such as New
York’s Metropolitan, cancelled her perfor
mances. Austrian interest in Russian high
and popular culture is tremendous. “We
are fascinated by a culture that seems so fa
miliar and still remains so foreign,” says
Simon Mraz, a diplomat who for 12 years
ran Austria’s cultural centre in Moscow.
Mr Nehammer’s visit to Moscow left
him deeply pessimistic. Mr Putin, he says,
has completely adopted the logic of war.
The conflict will permanently alter rela
tions with Russia. Austria has embargoed
Russian oil and is working to diversify its
gas supplies. Raiffeisenbank is consider
ing the possibility of pulling out of Russia.
Strabag, Austria’s biggest construction
company, forced Oleg Deripaska, a Russian
oligarch who owns 28% of its shares, to
leave its board. But opera andballetfans
hope the artistic relationship will sur
vive—or be revived, after the war.n