58 International TheEconomistMay7th 2022
they use all the power of the state, includ
ing new powers granted by advancing
technology, to ensure that these voices are
barely audible, while proregime media are
lavishly favoured and funded.
For such leaders, the covid19 pandemic
has been handy. New rules in countries
such as Bolivia, Russia and the Philippines
punish the spread of “false information”
about the virus with jail time. Brazil has re
stricted access to government data. And re
porters working from home, often on un
protected personal devices, are more vul
nerable to cyberattack. A study covering
144 countries suggests that pandemic poli
cies have been used to justify curbs on
press freedom in 96 of them.
Financial pressure on independent me
dia can be effective not least because the
news industry has been in decline since
the 1980s. Advertising has followed readers
online, where the duopoly of Google and
Meta laps up half of all revenues. PwC,a
consultancy, predicts that global newspa
per advertising, in print and online, will
fall by about 20% between 2019 and 2024.
Against that backdrop, governments
can cripple critical outlets by withholding
advertisingand leaning on private firms to
do likewise. Meanwhile, they subsidise
more servile competitors. In Mexico Presi
dentAndrés Manuel López Obrador has
squeezed local media by slashing the gov
ernment advertising budget. The money
the state does spend is concentrated with
friendly outlets: more than half of its ad
vertising goes to ten media groups, accord
ing to one analysis of the 2020 budget. In
India advertisers are often frightened to
back outlets critical of the ruling party.
Another common trick is for regimes to
nudge friendly plutocrats, who often de
pend on official patronage for their for
tunes, to buy up independent media and
neuter them. This has happened in Russia,
Turkey and Hungary, among other coun
tries. Since Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s prime
minister, took office in 2010, his cronies
have snapped up private media groups and
turned them into rulingparty mouthpiec
es. Some have donated their media hold
ings to a progovernment organisation run
by former lawmakers for Mr Orbán’s Fidesz
party. Called the Central European Press
and Media Foundation (kesma), this con
glomerate now controls over 500 outlets.
Mr Orbán won a fourth term in office last
month, thanks in no small part to his grip
on the public’s understanding of reality.
The opposition got almost no airtime, ex
cept to be denounced as stooges of a Jewish
billionaire supposedly conspiring against
the Hungarian way of life.
Hungary’s journalists have not given
up. Telex, a news site, has a similar origin
story to the Kyiv Independent. It was found
ed in Budapest two years ago when more
than 80 staff jumped ship from a media
grouprunbyanOrbánally.“Weknewthat
wecannotrelyonadvertisingrevenue,be
causeofthepoliticalinfluenceofthead
vertisementmarket,”saysVeronikaMunk,
cofounderofTelex.“Sowedecided,‘OK,
let’sturntoourreaders.’”
TelexappealedfordonationsviaYou
Tube,andtobuildtrustwithitsaudienceit
began sharing detailed information on
revenuesandspendingonline.Intherun
uptotherecentelection,Telexreporting
stoodinstarkcontrasttothatbygovern
mentledgroups.MrOrbán’steamdidn’t
share detailsabouthiscampaignevents
with independent media.Itpainted the
prime ministerasaman ofthepeople,
posting videos ofhim pushinghis way
throughcrowdsoffans,gladhanding.Tel
exreportersaskedreaderswholearnedof
comingcampaigneventstotipthemoff,
thenlingeredoutside.Theycapturedim
agesofMrOrbándrivingthroughempty
streets, closely guarded by security, to
speakattinyinvitationonlygatherings.
Thestoryvanishes
Hungaryshowshowpressfreedomcanbe
curtailedina countrythatisstill,moreor
less,a democracy—criticalvoicessuchas
Telex reachfar fewerpeoplethan state
backed propaganda outlets. In truly au
thoritarian regimes such as China the
muzzleisfar tighter.Technologyhasal
lowedtheCommunistPartytosnoopand
censorona scaleandwitha precisionthat
wouldhavebeenextremelyhardtoachieve
withoutmorebruteforceevena fewyears
ago.Itisnotjustcriticismofofficialsthat
isofflimits.Topicslikeracismandfemi
nismcanbeaswell.Membersofthepublic
canbeterrifiedtospeaktoreporters.And
when reporters and their sources put
themselvesatrisktoproduceinvestigative
journalism, sharingthosestoriescanbe
nearimpossible.Inthemidstofacovid
lockdowninShanghaiinApril,Caixin,a
Chinesemediagroup,postedanarticleex
posinghiddendeathsatthecity’slargest
elderlycarehospital.Itlastedonlinefor
justanhour,thenvanished.
Thisclimateoffearisnowenveloping
HongKong,whichuntilrecentlyallowed
relativelyfreespeech.A“nationalsecuri
ty”lawintroducedinJune 2020 threatens
severepenalties,includinglifesentences,
forvaguelydefinedcrimes,suchassubver
sion,thatjournalistsmightconsiderjust
doingtheirjob.“Tosimplycontinueatthe
moment feels like a revolutionary act,”
saysTomGrundy,editoroftheHongKong
FreePress, thelastindependentEnglish
languagenewsoutletthere.Theeffect,he
says,canbeinsidious.“Yougetintrusive
thoughtswhenit comesto,youknow,self
censorship,”hesays.“Youcan’thelpit.Just
cringingwhenyoupresspublish.”
TheHongKongauthorities’campaign
toshutdownAppleDaily, a prodemocracy
tabloid,andsilenceitsbillionaireowner,
JimmyLai,hasprovideda templateforre
pressiveregimeseverywhere.The attack
wasfinancial,legalandtechnological.
MarkSimon,anaidetoMrLai,saysthe
harassmentbeganmorethan 20 yearsago.
Theauthoritiespressedlocalbusinessmen
tostopadvertisingwithAppleDaily. Other
independentnewsoutletsweregradually
boughtoutbyproBeijingtycoons.Execu
tives’emailswererepeatedlyhacked.But
therealcrackdowncamewiththenational
securitylaw.MrLaiwaschargedwith“for
eigncollusion”andarrested.Policeflood
edtheAppleDailynewsroom,seizinglap
topsandharddrives.Thedeathknellcame
inJune,whenthegroup’sbankaccounts
werefrozen.“Itwasn’tdeathbya thousand
cuts,”MrSimonsays.“Itwastenwhacks.”
ThereportersatAppleDailyfoundcre
ative ways to resist, though only for a
while. When the Hong Kong police
swoopedintothenewsroomanddemand
edstafftellthemwheretheserverswere,
Nodata
Good Satisfactory Problematic Difficult Very serious
Continental grift
Press-freedom index, 2022
(Rank out of 18 countries)
Source:ReportersWithoutBorders
China(175)
Russia (155)
Norway (1)
US (2)