596 CHAPTER 22
Human behavior: Evolution and culture
Darwin devoted a book, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals [31], to
the thesis that rudimentary homologues of human mental abilities and emotions
can be seen in other species. Most animals are capable of learning, and we have
seen that some nonhuman primates make tools and have a rudimentary ability
to use language (see Chapter 21). Social interactions, including reciprocal aid and
alliances, are quite elaborate in some primates, leading researchers to describe
“baboon metaphysics” [28] and “chimpanzee politics” [36].
It would be contrary to everything we know about evolution to suppose that
the hominid lineage has diverged so far from other apes that there should remain
no trace of homology in the inherited components of our brain organization and
behavior, or that the human brain should be a completely blank slate, without
genetically determined predispositions. Evolutionary psychologists have com-
piled a long list of supposedly universal, and thus perhaps genetically determined,
human behavioral tendencies and capacities, such as fear of snakes, body adorn-
ment, cooperation, death rituals, division of labor, sex differences in aggression
and dominance, marriage, and the capacity for language [17, 92]. But everyone rec-
ognizes that the expression of most such behaviors is culturally highly variable. All
humans speak a grammatical language, for example, but grammar and vocabulary
vary greatly. In almost all species, many traits express phenotypic plasticity (see
Chapter 6), the capacity of a genotype to express different phenotypes depending
on environmental conditions. Thus, it could be the case that our ancestors evolved
a propensity to respond to certain conditions in specific ways—aggressively or
cooperatively, for example—but that the expressed behavior depends on cultural
and other aspects of the environment.
Several schools of evolutionary research on human behavior have developed in
the last few decades [66]. Human sociobiology, announced by E. O. Wilson in 1975,
proposed to interpret a wide range of behaviors (such as conflicts between off-
spring and parents) as adaptations that had evolved by natural selection, especially
kin selection and reciprocity [119]. This approach has been succeeded by several
other movements. One is human behavioral ecology, which uses adaptive models to
predict and explain a variety of behaviors, including cultural norms. For instance,
we may ask why, in polygynous societies, a woman would choose to marry a man
who already has one or more wives. Adopting a model that was first developed to
Futuyma Kirkpatrick Evolution, 4e
Sinauer Associates
Troutt Visual Services
Evolution4e_22.07.ai Date 02-02-2017
Average number of children
Mothers Maternal
aunts
Paternal
aunts
Sons and
daughters
of maternal
grandparents
Sons and
daughters
of paternal
grandparents
Likelihood of sharingX chromosome: 1.0 0.75 0 0.25–1.0 0
1.50
1.75
2.0
2.25
2.50
2.75
1.25
Homosexual men
Heterosexual men
Relatives of:
FIGURE 22.7 Does male homosexuality reflect a
polymorphism maintained by intralocus sexual conflict?
In northern Italy, women who are likely to share an X
chromosome with a male relative have a significantly
higher number of children if the male relative is homo-
sexual than if he is heterosexual. (Data from [24].)
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