30 The Americas The Economist May 14th 2022
Bolsonaro in 2018. Lula does have the sup
port of Paulo Marcelo, a leftleaner in the
Assembly of God, Brazil’s biggest church.
But that is one person against “an army” of
pastors, says Juliano Spyer, an academic.
The megachurches do not represent all
believers. Brazil has thousands of smaller
churches, and many different versions of
evangelicalism. More middleclass types
are less likely to vote for Mr Bolsonaro.
Pentecostals, who make up around two
thirds of evangelicals, are more so. But
while their highestprofile leaders often
resemble the white, affluent men who
form Mr Bolsonaro’s core support, most
rankandfile members are poor and black.
It is their votes that the candidates will be
battling for in October.
Some will plump for Mr Bolsonaro be
cause they believe he is upright and pious.
In Belo Horizonte, a city in the bellwether
state of Minas Gerais, Carlos, a Pentecostal
pastor, sports straightened Afro hair and a
grey pinstripe suit. Standing in front of a
golden pulpit with “JESUS” written in large
black letters down the front, he explains
that church is “a hospital for the soul”,
which he claims saved him from a life of
crime. Mr Bolsonaro, as “a man of God”, is
the person to defend it.
Others simply like the ideas that Mr Bol
sonaro champions. “Evangelicals are not
voting for him as a person, they are voting
for principles,” says Isnard Araújo, a coun
cilman and pastor, of the thricemarried
president. These include protecting “fam
ily values” such as marriage, “manly” be
haviour and opposition to abortion. Evan
gelicals are not the only voters who find
these ideas appealing, says Fábio Baldaia of
the Federal Institute of Bahia, but they re
spond to them more than most.
Evangelicals may also be more exposed
to fake news on social media, which in
turn could influence how they vote. The
WhatsApp messaging service is used by
145m people in Brazil, the secondlargest
number of users in the world. A recent poll
found that 92% of evangelicals belong to
religious WhatsApp groups, compared
with 71% of Catholics. In the same survey,
half of evangelicals said they had received
fake news from such chats. Others are told
more explicitly by their pastors how to cast
their vote. “This is the person who marries
you, buries your father, baptises your kids,
and visits you when you are sick,” says Fil
lipe Gibran, a pastor in Belo Horizonte.
But not all churchgoers embrace the
politics of their pastors, warns Vinicius do
Valle of the University of São Paulo. Many
are tired of the politicisation of their faith.
Evangelicals “have a thousand other iden
tities”, he says. In Salvador in northeast
ern Brazil, Mr Bolsonaro got less than a
third of votes cast in 2018, despite the city’s
fastgrowing Pentecostal population. This
may be because Salvador is 80% brown and
black. Mr Bolsonaro has made derogatory
remarks about black people; he once said
that members of a quilombo(a community
descended from runaway slaves) “don’t do
anything” and were fat. Many in Salvador
consider the president racist, says Cláudio
Almeida, a researcher from the city.
Poverty also plays its part. Almost a
third of Pentecostals have a monthly in
come of half the minimum wage or less (ie,
less than $118 at current exchange rates).
While some will be swayed by otherworld
ly promises of rewards in heaven, others
will vote based on their rising bills.
Possibly the most decisive votes will
come from women, who make up 58% of
evangelicals. A recent survey showed that
while men clearly prefer Mr Bolsonaro,
among evangelical women, Lula leads by
nine percentage points. This is in keeping
with broader surveys which show Mr Bol
sonarotrailingLulawithwomenofallreli
gions.“Insomeways,genderismoreim
portantthanfaith,”saysCláudioCouto,a
political scientist. (In 2018 poor women
helped elect Mr Bolsonaro.)
Many evangelicals will never vote for
Lula. He was convicted of corruption after
leaving office, although the conviction was
later overturned. His recent comments
that abortion should be treated as a public
health issue worry many religious types.
But his critiques of Mr Bolsonaro’s presi
dency may resonate with enough of them
to swing the vote in his favour.
“What do you want me to do?” Mr Bolso
naro asked critics of his slow response to
the virus and antivaxxer statements at
one point during the pandemic. “I’m Mes
siah [his middle name] but I can’t do mir
acles.” For Alex, an evangelical bus driver
who spent two weeks hospitalised with co
vid, such an attitude was inexcusable. “God
saved me, but if the government had se
cured vaccines, thousands of people would
nothavedied,”hesays.He voted for Mr
Bolsonaroin2018.Thistime, he says, he
willnotdosoagain.n
Crime
Crack on
B
ombs and bullets could not remove cra-
colândia, the largest openair drug mar
ket in South America, from the heart of São
Paulo. When violence failed, the police
took away the black tents in which women
weighed packages of powder. They raided
the surrounding hotels, where customers
ordered food on delivery apps while wait
ing for their illicit orders. Still, the busi
ness flowed. The dealers merely put up
umbrellas and sold drugs from backpacks.
But in March cracolândiaemptied. Hun
dreds of dealers and addicts dispersed
without any sign of violence. The police
initially claimed credit, but whispers said
that the move had instead been orchestrat
ed by First Capital Command (pcc), South
America’s largest gang, on the orders of its
imprisoned leadership. The drugsellers,
in cahoots with the pcc, are pitching up
elsewhere in smaller groups.
That a gang could do what the Brazilian
police could not is perhaps not terribly sur
prising. In some ways the pcchas set itself
up as an alternative form of government,
according to Gabriel Feltran, a sociologist
who has studied the group for decades.
Many poorer Brazilians “feel they can trust
the pccmore than the state”, he says.
Last year the usTreasury named the pcc
as one of the most powerful criminal orga
nisations in the world. The group is now
involved in everything from petty crime to
international drugsmuggling. It first
formed in São Paulo’s overcrowded prisons
in the 1990s, and still counts many thou
sands of inmates as its members. In 2017
the pccwas behind the beheading and kill
ing of dozens of inmates in various pri
sons. The group is thought to control the
trade in stolen phones that plagues São
Paulo, Brazil’s biggest city, where a mobile
phone is reported stolen every 3.5 min
S ÃO PAULO
South America’s biggest criminal gang has immense sway in Brazil
Behind bars, but in control