The Economist May 14th 2022 33
Asia
India
Saffron nation
T
he patternis plain to see. On the occa
sion of a religious festival, youths affil
iated to the sangh parivar, or the Hindu
nationalist “family of organisations”,
march through a densely packed slum.
When the rowdy young men, sporting saf
froncoloured clothes or flags and bran
dishing swords, reach a mostly Muslim
neighbourhood, their chants turn to
taunts and insults. Muslim boys start
throwing stones. In the ensuing fight
shops get looted, houses burned and lives
lost.Reporters tally the damage. This is
typically lopsided, inverting the propor
tions of India’s 79% Hindu majority and
15% Muslim minority. No matter. The
sanghgleefully choruses its mantra: “Hin
dus are in danger! Unite!”
Over the past 50 years, Indian govern
ments have repeatedly dampened such lo
cal eruptions by mouthing words of regret,
paying a bit of compensation and tapping
some retired worthy to write a soonfor
gotten report. No longer. The Bharatiya Ja
nata Party (bjp) which rules both at the
centre in Delhi, the capital, and in about
half of India’s states, is itself a child of the
sangh. Many of its top leaders started as
foot soldiers in just the sort of gangs that so
predictably spark trouble.
Small wonder that as a biggerthan
usual spate of nasty communal clashes
broke out across a swathe of central India
during this spring’s festival season, bjpof
ficials made scant effort to calm things. In
stead they loudly invoked the right of Hin
dus to “practise their faith”, blamed Mus
lims for the violence and demanded exem
plary punishment. Following a miniriot
in Delhi on April 16th, provoked once again
by swordwaving youths menacing a
mosque, Kapil Mishra, a local bjpleader,
quickly spun the events as a Muslim con
spiracy. “They should be identified and
their homes should be bulldozed,” he de
clared. A few hours later bulldozers duly
rolled in, smashing Muslim property for
alleged buildingcode violations.
The increasing use of summary collec
tive punishment is disturbing enough—
the demolitions in Delhi followed identi
cal postpogrom targeting of Muslims in
three other bjpruled states. More telling
still has been the response from higher up
in the party, and in particular from Naren
dra Modi, India’s prime minister. The lead
er’s reaction to months of sporadic com
munal violence and rising social tension,
and to loud calls from activists, politicians
and even retired civil servants for him to
do something has been absolute silence.
To many Indians and in particular to
the country’s 200m Muslims, the world’s
biggest religious minority, the govern
ment’s shrug of indifference to growing
distress is deeply ominous. It does more
than offer tacit approval to mob violence
and mob justice. It suggests that in the
emerging Hindu rashtra(state) envisioned
by the sangh, some will always be more
equal than others, with religious identity
becoming a measure of citizenship. It also
suggests that what lies in India’s future
may not merely be further sporadic, local
ised troubles, but something wider and
more painful.
India has long stood out proudly in
Asia, precisely because of its success in
building a nation from an extraordinary
diversity of religions and ethnicities. It has
D ELHI
Narendra Modi and his party are remaking India into a Hindu state
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