Constitutionalism in Asia in the Early Twenty-First Century

(Greg DeLong) #1

Nevertheless, what counters the dominance of conservative-oriented com-


panies in the media market is the increasing influence of new media in the


political process. For example, a progressive podcasting talk program,We Are


Tricksters, and Social Network Services (SNS) such as Facebook and Twitter


are known to have played an important role in the 2011 Seoul mayoral


by-election. Without the help of these new media, it would not have been


possible for a former civic activist, candidate Park Won-soon, to claim victory


against the ruling-party candidate Na Kyong-won. In response to this advance of


progressive podcasting and SNS in the public sphere, the Korea Comm-


unications Standards Commission, a content-regulatory arm of the Korea


Communications Commission, set up an SNS review section. It was inevitable


that this movement produced a number of doubts and criticisms at domestic


and international levels.^63


Corruption and increasing social polarization


The dark connection between bureaucrats and business elites is one cause of


governmental inefficiency. Korea needs qualified regulation, rather than


deregulation, in the direction of enhancing transparency and fair competition,


not only in the political sphere but also in the market economy. Notwithstanding


this belief, what is worse in the Korean situation is that the relationship between


government and business is changing in the direction of the superiority of the


latter, reversing the relationship of the past. In other words, it is not the state but big


business that decides social and economic policies. The changed relationship


between the state and business cannot be more symbolically represented than in


President Lee Myong-bak’s exercise of the pardoning power for only a single


beneficiary, Lee Kun-hee, the chairman of Samsung Group, the biggest conglom-


erate in Korea, only four months after he had been found guilty of tax evasion and


breach of trust in 2009.


This connection has its roots in globalization and the concomitant domin-


ance of neoconservativism in much of Korean society. President Lee Myong-


bak’s business-friendly policy, i.e. deregulation of the business sector and privat-


ization of a number of government functions and facilities, together with tax


reduction for the wealthy, has accelerated social polarization, resulting in the


collapse of the middle class and of small and medium businesses in favor of


large conglomerates. The top five conglomerates of Korea (Samsung,


(^63) See Chico Harlan, “In S. Korea, a shrinking space for speech,”Washington Post, Decem-
ber 23 , 2011 , available atwww.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/in-s-korea-a-shrink-
ing-space-for-speech/ 2011 / 12 / 21 /gIQAmAHgBP_print.html.


98 Kim

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