Constitutionalism in Asia in the Early Twenty-First Century

(Greg DeLong) #1

The two-thirds majority has, since the attainment of independence of the


Malayan, later Malaysian, federation in 1957 , been viewed as the criterion of


electoral success by BN, which dominated the political landscape till the election


shocks of 2008. A two-thirds majority enables the government to effect amend-


ments to the federal constitution. Many of the constitutional amendments since


1957 diluted a number of fundamental provisions to entrench an overweening


executive. They also weakened the role of parliament and the authority of the


hereditary Malay rulers and, in the face of the erosion of the independence of a


once highly respected judiciary (resulting from the dismissal of the top judicial


officer in the land in 1988 based on the most flimsy of grounds), the constitutional


amendments have led to a concentration of powers in the executive arm of


government.


The repeal of the ISA was described by Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammud-


din Hussein as ‘a journey of the country’s transformation’.
39
It is too early to hail this


bold proposal and the other announced initiatives as a genuine attempt on the part


of the Malaysian government to lead Malaysia into the fold of the true democracies


of the world. The Malaysian prime minister also said that new legislation would be


enacted ‘to prevent subversive action, organised violence and criminal acts in order


to preserve public order and security’. In April 2012 , the Malaysian parliament


passed the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (which came into force


on 31 July 2012 ). It also passed the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 (which came into


force on 23 April 2012 ). The litmus test will lie in an examination of the substance of


this new legislation. The width of discretion accorded to the executive in the


invocation of the powers under the new legislation, the safeguards that are built


into the legislation to circumscribe these powers and the extent to which the courts


are given a role to provide independent and effective judicial oversight will ultim-


ately determine whether Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak intended to effect


genuine reforms. In July 2012 , the prime minister also announced that the


Sedition Act would be repealed (although it is still being wielded as a weapon


against critics of the government) and replaced by a National Harmony Act. There is


a general election to be held on 5 May 2013 and the Malaysian public cannot be


faulted if they exhibit scepticism that these moves are driven by the need to shore up


the electoral stocks of BN. They have heard grand promises by previous prime


ministers which have fizzled out miserably. They need to see the reforms truly


bedded in before they can believe that the Malaysian polity has reached a higher


level of political maturity. If it is a case of ‘old wine in new bottles’, the public


euphoria over the announcement will evaporate rapidly.
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(^39) BERNAMA, ‘Hishamuddin: Repeal of ISA, a Journey of Country’s Transformation’,Sun
Daily, 16 September 2011 ,www.thesundaily.my/news/ 146412.
(^40) See also Kua Kia Soong, ‘Old Poison in New Bottles’, The Malaysian Insider, 29 Septem-
ber 2011 ,www.themalaysianinsider.com/print/sideviews/old-poison-in-new-bottles-kua-kia-


260 Lee

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