Constitutionalism in Asia in the Early Twenty-First Century

(Greg DeLong) #1

because it is ‘clearer’ and strikes a ‘more appropriate balance’ between free-speech


rights and protecting judicial reputation, with the ‘inherent-tendency’ test considered


to inhibit free speech ‘to an unjustifiable degree’.^146 Tay J highlighted two main


advantages of the ‘inherent-tendency’ test as not requiring ‘detailed proof’ of a threat


and as allowing the court to step in pre-emptively ‘before the damage’ occurs.


However, these factors discount the fact that legitimate criticism could be


unduly curbed, in the absence of actual proof of any risk to judicial reputation,


and through allowing judicial intervention based on inaccurate speculation.


In contrast, Quentin Loh J’s endorsement of the real-risk test inAGv.Shadrake


Alan(Shadrake 1 )^147 was approved by the Court of Appeal inShadrake Alanv.AG


(Shadrake 2 ) even if it considered the differences in the tests a ‘legal red herring’.^148


It was adopted for purposes of clarity, as the ‘inherent-tendency’ test conveyed the


impression that only the intrinsic effect of the relevant words was considered apart


from context and because, historically, the test had been contrasted with the ‘real-


risk’ test. Loh J stated that judges did not ‘entertain the naı ̈ve conceit’ that confi-


dence in the courts was to be maintained by sanctioning those who criticise the


courts, correctly observing that ‘unmerited punishment results in derision and


resentment’.
149
Nonetheless, as Singapore judges followed the British practice of


demonstrating restraint in response to criticism, the offence of scandalising the


judiciary allowed the Attorney-General, as guardian of the public interest, ‘to bring


to task those who make dishonest, unwarranted or baseless attacks’ which would


impair confidence in the judiciary ‘if left unchecked’. The Court of Appeal con-


sidered as ‘neutral’^150 the factors of a small island and the judicial role in trying fact


and law. After all, it could be argued, with more power comes a greater need for


accountability. The American ‘clear-and-present-danger’ test was rejected as being a


test peculiar to that jurisdiction, followed only by one divided Canadian court.^151


Criticism targeted at judgments rather than denigrating judges warranted pro-


tection to avoid ‘unduly restricting public discussion on the administration of


justice’.^152 The increased protection of free-speech interests was also evident in


the robust development of the ‘fair-criticism’ defence, as articulated by Prakash J


inAGv.Tan Liang Joo John,^153 affirmed and elaborated upon inShadrake 1 and 2.


To be fair, criticism should be ‘respectful’, made in ‘good faith’ with a rational


basis, and in a temperate manner, which would facilitate rather than thwart


rational debate, which is the end free speech serves. Loh J inShadrake 1 affirmed


Prakash J’s tentative view that there was no substantive limit in criticising courts,


rejecting the view inHertzbergthat to impute partiality or improper motives to the


(^146) [ 2009 ] 1 SLR 1103 at 1125 ,[ 32 ]. (^147) [ 2011 ] 2 SLR 445. (^148) [ 2011 ] SGCA 26 ,[ 56 ].
(^149) [ 2011 ] 2 SLR 445 at 456 [ 18 ].
(^150) Shadrake Alanv.Attorney-General[ 2011 ] SGCA 26 [ 31 ].
(^151) [ 2011 ] SGCA 26 ,[ 28 ], [ 40 ]–[ 45 ]. (^152) [ 2011 ] 2 SLR 445 at 456 [ 19 ].
(^153) [ 2009 ] 2 SLR (R) 1132 at 1139 [ 15 ].


290 Thio

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