Constitutionalism in Asia in the Early Twenty-First Century

(Greg DeLong) #1

In the present times, states find it exceedingly hard to resist such claims, which


now find support in both moral and legal theories, on the bases of justice and self-


determination. The international community urges political leaders to agree on


measures of self-government or power sharing, putting both the government and


the insurgents under considerable pressure, as a way to resolve internal conflicts.


Internal conflicts are fuelled by a deep sense of grievance and sustained by easy


access to a supply of arms in international and regional markets. It is difficult


today to suppress ethnic sentiments, demands and organisations – paradoxically,


the more one attempts to suppress them, the stronger they become, with increas-


ing capacity for disruption. In this context Nepal embarked on the making of a


new constitution in 2006 , with reconciliation among the warring political groups,


on the one side Maoists and on the other ‘democratic’ parties committed to a


parliamentary system of government, and the repeal of the 1990 constitution, then


in force.


Nepal has changed much politically from the time the 1990 constitution was


negotiated. At that time, the principal preoccupation of political parties was the


enactment of a ‘multiparty’ parliamentary democracy and constitutional mon-


archy. Democracy was based on universal franchise, even though there were


differences on the question who were entitled to be treated as citizens.


There was broad agreement on the restrictions on the power of the king, on the


inclusion of a bill of rights and directive principles to guide state policy, on


the establishment of an independent judiciary with the power to enforce the


Constitution as the supreme law of the country, and on independent institutions


to discharge politically sensitive functions like elections and the audit of state


accounts.


The Constitution was also preoccupied with maintaining the traditional social


character of Nepal, as a Hindu state (Article 1 ). It stipulated that the king must be


an ‘adherent of Aryan Culture and Hindu Religion’ – at the same time the king


was the ‘symbol of the Nepalese nation and the unity of the Nepalese people’


(Article 27 ). The cow, sacred to Hindus, was declared the national animal and


only Nepali in the Devanagari script was recognised as the official language.


Proposals that Nepal should be declared a secular state, in which the state and


religion are separate, and all religions are treated equally, were rejected. Even the


freedom of religion was restricted in order to preserve the dominance of


Hinduism and traditional practices (such as untouchability): what is guaranteed


to a person is belief or practice as ‘coming down to him hereditarily having regard


to traditional practices’ (which seems both to deter conversion as well as to


safeguard practices which may be offensive to many, adherents and non-adherents


alike). Proposals for minority rights, particularly related to their social advance-


ment, were also rejected, because the commission that drafted the Constitution


feared that their inclusion would promote ill feelings between different commu-


nities, threatening national unity. Instead the constitution enjoined the


Politics of constitution demolishing and constitution building in Nepal 371

Free download pdf