The Economist Asia - 27.01.2018

(Grace) #1
The EconomistJanuary 27th 2018 Middle East and Africa 37

2 says the White House, at least. A Turkish
source said no such concerns were shared.
While America loses leverage in Syria,
Russia isfilling the vacuum. It hasmended
its relationship with Turkey, which reached
a low point in 2015, when the Turks shot
down a Russian fighter jet over Syria. Hap-
py to stoke tension between America and
its allies, Russia almost certainly gave the
operation in Afrin a green light. It may be
that in return Turkey looks the other way as
Russian and Syrian forces pound rebels in
Idlib, who are ostensiblyallied with Tur-
key againstthe Assad regime. But some
think the Russianswill eventually turn on
Turkey and cut a deal with the Kurds that
hands Mr Assad control of Afrin.
A more immediate concern is whether
the Turks plan to push into otherYPG
strongholds. America has some 2,000
troops stationed in Syria, many in the
Kurdish-held north-east. If Turkish troops
start shooting atYPGfighters in those ar-
eas, American soldiers could end up in the
crossfire. The result could be a direct clash
between NATOallies. 7

A


BU JABR waited more than three years
to exact his revenge. In 2014 the jiha-
dists of IslamicState (IS) murdered hun-
dreds of his fellow tribesmen in the prov-
ince of Deir ez-Zor. Mr Jabr returned to his
village in December, leading a group of tri-
bal fighters. Backed by American air pow-
er, his men have driven ISinto the desert
along the Iraqi border. The jihadists still
send car bombs into his lines, but he says
they will be defeated soon. American-led
air strikes are said to have killed up to 150 ji-
hadists in Deir ez-Zor on January 20th.
Mr Jabr’s men fall under the command
of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a
Kurdish-led alliance formed to defeat ISin
northern and eastern Syria. Armed and
trained by America, the SDFis close to vic-
tory. Its flags flutter over a quarter of the
country, much of which was once held by
the jihadists. But when Turkish tanks rum-
bled into the Kurdish-held western enclave
of Afrin on January 20th (see previous
story), the Kurdssuddenly found them-
selves fighting on two fronts.
Turkey’s anger has grown as the area
under Kurdish control expanded, over the
course of the war, to include even Arab and
Turkoman towns captured from IS(see
map). In 2016 the ruling Democratic Union
Party (PYD) declared the Kurdish-held terri-

tory, which abutsthe Turkish border, a fed-
eral region called Rojava. It was not a move
towards secession, said the PYD, but a
model for the rest of Syria. The regime of
Bashar al-Assad dismissed the declaration
and the Turks seethed. But the Kurds, who
make up around 10% of Syria’s population,
have consolidated their grip on the north.
Shahoz Hasan, the PYD’s joint chief, re-
fers to Rojava as a “democratic experi-
ment”. The party has empowered women
and set up village committees, in line with
the teachings of Murray Bookchin, an
American philosopher whose writings
have greatly influenced the Kurdish move-
ments in Syria and Turkey. But Rojava is
hardly pluralistic. The PYDrepresses critics
and other Kurdish parties.
The PYD’s leaders say they will never
again allow Rojava to be ruled directly
from Damascus. For decades the Kurds in
Syria suffered under the oppression of Mr
Assad and, before him, his father. Many
were stripped of their citizenship and de-
nied the right to own property. Others
were booted off their land to make way for
Arabs. Kurdish publications were banned
and private schools were prohibited from
teaching the Kurdish language. Little in-
vestment flowed into the oil- and gas-rich
region. Instead the regime in Damascus
milked the fertile northern plains to feed
the rest of the country. As a result, the Kurds
are desperately poor.
Surrounded by potential enemies and
in need of support, the PYDhas flirted with
nearly all of the combatants in Syria. Its
strongest backer is America, which views
the PYD’s armed wing, the People’s Protec-
tion Units (YPG), as the most dependable
ground force againstIS. America has given
it weapons and training, and deployed
2,000 of its own troops to the region. Fear-
ing a return of the jihadists and Iranian he-
gemony, America has promised to stay in
north-eastern Syria until a peace deal is
reached. The PYDdoes not think it will al-
low the Turks to go beyond Afrin.
Russia, which backs Mr Assad, proba-
bly blessed the Turkish operation, if only to

spite America. In response, the PYDsaid it
would probably not attend Russian-spon-
sored peace talks at the end of January.
Still, Russia and MrAssad maysee a poten-
tial partner in the PYD, which has accepted
Russian military supportand maintained
ties to the regime. The group is regarded as
more pragmatic than the other rebel out-
fits. When Mr Assad’s forces retreated from
areas in the north, they made sure to hand
them to the PYD. One could imagine the re-
gime and the Kurds supporting a deal that
keeps Mr Assad in power and grants Ro-
java autonomy.
But the Kurds will probably have to con-
cede some of their gains in order to keep
most of Rojava. Any deal would probably
require Kurdish forces to be folded into the
national army; captured oilfields to be re-
turned to the central government; and
seized Arab lands to be given up. “If real ne-
gotiations happen we will talk about all
these things,” says Mr Hasan. “We are al-
ways open for discussions.” First, though,
he mustdeal with the Turks. 7

The war in Syria (2)

The precarious


state of Rojava


DEIR EZ-ZOR AND QAMISHLI
Syria’s Kurds try to keep control of their
territory

IRAQI
KURDISTAN

Government Islamic State Government

Kurds

Rebel-held

Turkish troops/rebels

Damascus Baghdad

Deir ez-Zor

Raqqa

Qamishli

Aleppo

Afrin Manbij

Idlib

Reyhanli Mosul Erbil

SYRIA

TURKEY

IRAN

JORDAN

IRAQ

ISRAEL

LEBANON

Russian
air base

Sparsely
populated

Mediterranean Sea

Tigris

Euphra
tes

Afrin “Rojava”, area claimed
by Kurds

100 km

Areas of control, Jan 2018
Source: IHS Conflict Monitor

Kurds curse Turkey
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