The EconomistFebruary 3rd 2018 39
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A
T THE weekly market in Toya, at the
edge of the Niger river, just outside the
ancient city of Timbuktu, little seems to
have changed. Under shelters built from
branches and tarpaulins, traders in tur-
bans with leathery faces hawk almost
everything imaginable. There are slabs of
rock salt, mined deep in the desert, next to
crates of Algerian cigarettes. Cheap radios
sit beside tins ofUSAIDvegetable oil (the
marking “not for sale” roundly ignored).
Yet all is not well here. A group of
armed UNpeacekeepers walks among the
shoppers, asking questions. One elderly
Tuareg says that justa few days earlier a
dozen armed men had wandered into the
village, flauntingtheir weapons. He will
not say who they were, but they were not
soldiers from the Malian army. “We have
fear here. When these men can come and
go as they please, there is no security,” he
says. When asked if he had ever seen the
state’s security forces, he gestures a hand
with a large silver ring at the market: “They
are never here.”
During the past decade Mali has be-
come one of Africa’s most intractable secu-
rity problems. Once seen as a model de-
mocracy, it has been plagued by violence
since 2012, when Tuareg-led jihadists with
links to al-Qaeda led a rebellion across
northern Mali, at the edge of the Sahara
desert (see map). At one time tourists used
to pour into Timbuktu to ride camels
across the desert. Now most of the foreign-
ers at the airport wear army uniforms. The
In 2015 the warring parties signed a
peace deal. But since then the violence has
continued to escalate. At leastfour separate
attacks between January 25th and 28th
killed scores of people. Last year the UN
counted 220 attacks on its operations. That
is more than in 2015 and 2016 combined.
The peacekeeping mission established in
2013, known asMINUSMA, is by far the
UN’s most dangerous. It has a force of
about 11,000, but 150 peacekeepers have
been killed. Insecurity has spread from the
north to the centre of Mali.
The country’s vast desert is not only a
breeding ground for jihadism; it is also a
trade route that carries consumer goods
south and drugs and migrants towards Eu-
rope. That partly explains why France’s
president, Emmanuel Macron, has already
visited Mali twice. France hassome 3,000
troops in the Sahel fighting terrorists, most
of whom are in Mali. America has a force
there too, as does the European Union (on
a training mission). Western countries are
also paying for a counterterrorism force
drawn from regional armies, the G5 Sahel.
In Kano, a village 60km east of Timbuk-
tu, the UNshows off what itsDDR (disar-
mament, demobilisation and rehabilita-
tion) programme has achieved. As women
in bright wraps and headscarves ululate, a
newly built water tower is ceremoniously
untapped and brown liquid gushes out
onto the sand. “It is an excellent thing,” en-
thuses Mohammed Ahmed Cissé, the vil-
lage’s portly chief. “We can grow gardens,
and...work together instead of fighting.”
Although the fighting has died down,
there is not much disarmament. Armed re-
bels still live in the village, admits Mr Cissé.
And a bigger problem isapparent. No one
from the Malian government has been
seen in almost a decade. Andrew Lebov-
ich, a Bamako-based analyst from the
European Council on Foreign Relations, a
think-tank, argues that the government has
city has said goodbye to Bono, a rock musi-
cian who once played there. But in most
other respects things have got worse.
The old fracture lines of race and tribe
widened after independence in 1960.
Many among the Tuareg and Arab minor-
ities were uncomfortable with being ruled
by black Africans in the south. Big rebel-
lions broke out in 1963 and 1990. But the
one in 2012, which came after soldiers had
staged a coup in Bamako, the capital,
marked a turning-point. The rebels, who
had developed from a secular nationalist
movement into an Islamist insurgency,
seemed ready to march on the capital. That
prompted France to send in troops, who
pushed the rebels out of most cities but did
not defeat them entirely.
Mali’s insurgency
Quicksand in the Sahel
TIMBUKTU
Western countries are backing a government incapable of bringing peace
Middle East and Africa
Also in this section
40 Abortion in South Africa
40 Buhari’s next term
41 Jihadist chick lit
41 Israel’s migrant plan
42 Disintegrating Yemen
MAURITANIA
MALI
BURKINA
FASO
GUINEA
ALGERIA
Bamako
NIGER
GHANA
IVORY COAST
BENIN
Timbuktu
Toya Kano
Niger
TIMBUKTU
500 km
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H
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