Challenge of “Serious” Scholarship 107
(Ceuppens & Geschiere, 2005). Yet despite these problems, and regardless of po-
litical tensions in neighboring countries such as Côte d’Ivoire, Cameroon has been
politically stable.
The United Nations Human Development (UNDP) index, “a composite measure
of three basic dimensions of human development: health, education and income”
(Human De velopment Reports, 2010), provides a broader indication of well-being
than statistics based solely on economic growth. The 2010 UNDP index lists a life
expectancy of 51.7 years, an average of 5.9 years of schooling, and a gross national
income per capita of USD 7.70. With an index of 0.460 in 2010 (compared to 0.354
in 1980), Cameroon is doing better than the index of the Sub-Saharan African
region (0.389 in 2010, com pared to 0.293 in 1980); however, it is listed as a “low
human development country” (ranking 131st out of 169 countries in the world;
Human Development Reports, 2010).
The Cameroonian economy is predominantly agricultural; bananas, cocoa,
coffee, timber, tobacco, and cotton are major export products. Cameroonians are
still suffering from the economic shock that resulted from the decline in the prices
of oil, coffee, and cocoa in the 1980s, and despite structural reforms undertaken
by the government, economic stagnation persists (World Bank, 2010). The global
economic downturn has seriously affected the lives of Cameroonians—expenses
for education and housing have increased, whereas incomes and opportunities for
employment have decreased. There is an ongoing brain drain, and with an average
age of only 18 years (only 3.7% of the population is above 65 years of age), the
Cameroonian labor force consists in large part of adolescents who are looking for
opportunities abroad (World Population Prospects, cited in Fleischer, 2007).
In 2009, 58% of the population lived in urban areas (UNICEF, 2009). The poverty
rate in rural areas, more than 55% of households, is much greater than in cities,
where it is just 12% (World Bank, 2010). Increased poverty, unemployment, and the
attraction of modernity have driven young people to the cities (Nsamenang, 1992).
These social transitions, in combination with greater suffering and sickness, have
bred strong feelings of uncertainty: Community-based safety nets are collapsing.
These social transitions are also related to a moral crisis: Modern education,
which was introduced in colonial times, has marginalized indigenous knowledge;
community el ders are losing authority and respect because they are not able to
provide answers to questions about the changed world in which young people today
are living; and the failing state is also losing authority. More and more people are
finding alternative explana tions for unfortunate life conditions in witchcraft (Fisiy,
1998; Johnson-Hanks, 2007; Nsamenang, 1992).
The Cameroonian deaf community came into my life when I met Aloysius N’jok
Bibum at Gallaudet University. He is a deaf Gallaudet alumnus from Cameroon
who returned to his country to establish the Buea School for the Deaf with his wife,
Margaret Bibum. During my visit to the school in 2007, I was impressed with its edu-
cational ambitions. I learned that the Buea School for the Deaf was the second deaf
school in Cameroon to start a secondary education program. All deaf schools in
Cameroon are private, and many parents cannot afford school fees. Consequently,
there are many deaf children in Cameroon who do not have access to education.
Most deaf schools only offer primary education, after which deaf students leave