26 Lubna Alsagoff
of Malay as this unifying language, argued on the basis of its historical roots
as the true indigenous language of the region speaks of policy that views
language as a right (Ruiz 1984). However, unlike other linguistic contexts
where issues regarding language planning involves minority ethnic groups
that fight for the right to be educated in their own language rather than
the majority tongue; in the context of Malaysia, it was the majority ethnic
group, the Malays, who asserted their rights as the indigenous population
to establish their language, Malay, as the national language.
The Chinese and Indian communities were also accorded the right to
use their mother tongues as mediums of instruction, albeit in a limited way.
Firstly, these languages were replaced by Malay at the secondary school
level, signalling the latter’s importance to Malaysia’s nationhood. Secondly,
despite being the medium of instruction of vernacular primary schools,
the national-type schools, neither of these languages was recognized as
official languages in Malaysia. This lack of official recognition extended
most particularly to English, which had no recognized institutional role in
the country — it was not recognized as having a role in the government,
nor was it a medium of instruction. As the language of the former British
colonial masters, English was perhaps seen as anathema to nation-building.
What problems there were in terms of social and economic inequities
between the Malays and the other races were also seen as rooted in English
hegemony because of its former status as the language of Malaysia’s
colonial masters. Yet, Malaysia’s linguistic history evidently presents
evidence that not having English as a central part of the education system
has disadvantaged the bumiputras who were not able to compete for jobs
in an increasingly global marketplace.
Singapore, on the other hand, has openly embraced English,
transforming it from the language of its colonial masters to an international
language of science, technology, business and finance needed that it has
used to achieve economic success. The primary thread in the language
policies of post-independence Singapore is one characterized by a pragmatic
and economically driven approach to the management of languages in
which languages are seen as a means to desired ends (Gopinathan 1998,
p. 20). The fine balance between advocating English as the working
language of the nation and the valuing of the other three languages
as heritage languages was struck through a careful delineation of the
functions of these languages (Wee 2003). Managing linguistic and cultural
diversity through a narrative of cultural pluralism, equality for all “races”