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given Pakistan much of a chance and Khan promoted himself up
the order to bolster the batting. He was neither the best batsman
nor bowler then, but the team had his stamp on it. He had crafted
a young side, spotting talent like inzamam-ul-Haq. And that they
went on to win the trophy was at least partly a result of how he
drove his team. His will was written all over that triumph.
Politics is a different creature to ride. there is little will that can
be asserted, merely compromises, negotiations and manoeuvres.
Khan has done admirably well. He supported Pervez Musharraf
after the 1999 coup, and when it was becoming clear that the
general’s time was over, joined the agitation against him. He drew
the largest crowds in the last election, but when the results came,
the organisation of nawaz sharif had trounced him. When the
army had had enough of sharif, Khan allied with the agency that
could ensure him power, and it seems to have worked.
is it a Faustian pact? Probably not. He is not giving anything
up simply because Khan had little of substance to begin with.
to read the manifesto of the Pakistan tehreek-e-insaf is to see
everything promised to everyone:
- ‘We will launch a judicial reforms programme...’
- ‘...work on a blueprint towards resolving the Kashmir
issue within the parameters of unsC resolutions. For lasting
peace within our own region, especially with our neighbour
india, conflict resolution and the security route to cooperation
is the most viable. Also, in the context of bilateral relations,
Pti’s focus will be on moves to expand the existing strategic
partnership with China...’ - ‘PTI will move substantively on the bilateral strategic
dialogue with india encompassing all aspects of the strategic
nuclear deterrence so as to prevent a spiralling nuclear arms
race in the region.’
And so on, policies that the elected government can do little
about without the army’s go-ahead. What sort of prime minister
will Khan be is an interesting question, one without any answer.
He has the capacity to evolve and has proven his leadership.
the trouble in Pakistan is that prime ministers start taking their
position seriously. When they develop a mind of their own is
when they are pulled down by the real rulers of the country.
Meanwhile, the country braces for its new leader even as the
opposition unites in charges of rigging. A report in the Pakistani
newspaper Dawn with the headline, ‘Imran’s Pakistan Beckons’
says: ‘This PTI success marks a new era. Imran’s struggle was
avowedly to end the domination of not just one party but he
sought to correct a whole system that had been exploited. the
main culprits in his book were the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)
and the PML-n. in some of his recent remarks, he made it quite
clear that he was allergic to the idea of having to enter into an
alliance with the PPP of Asif Zardari, who to the Pti cadres is
the epitome of all that is bad in the country.’ Without a majority,
Khan needs allies and if he chooses parties he has been opposing,
then it would just affirm his malleability. that might, however,
be a good quality to have as Pakistan’s leader today. n
By Madhavankutty pillaiI
ndiA’s reLAtiOns WitH the us have seen a
measure of turbulence in recent months. But there is
some good news on the horizon. An impending piece
of legislation that would have injected bitterness in
bilateral ties has now been suitably amended to take care
of india’s sensitivities. the latest version of the Countering
America’s Adversaries through sanctions Act (CA At sA ),
a law meant to sanction countries that have close defence
relations with russia, now exempts india. this paves the
way for new delhi to go ahead with the purchase of an
s-400 air defence missile system, a rs 39,000-crore deal that
had been in the works for long. the s-400 is an essential
weapon platform for india’s security in an increasingly
hostile environment.
With this exemption, the road is now clear for the ‘2+2’
summit between india’s defence and external Affairs
ministers and the us secretary of state and defense
secretary scheduled for september 5th. After repeated
postponements, the 2+2 dialogue—touted as the next big
thing in indo-us strategic relations—was openly being cast
in doubt by policymakers and commentators alike. that
storm is largely over.
in the past quarter century, our bilateral ties have rested
on two pillars: the strategic relationship and the economic
one. the latter has always been friction-ridden: the us
wants greater access to indian markets and investment
opportunities. india, for reasons of domestic politics, has
taken these steps incrementally and often haltingly. this
leads to confrontation at global fora like the World trade
Organization over a variety of issues. in contrast, the stra-
tegic relation has proceeded apace. in 1991, india could not
dream of buying any American military equipment. today,
such cutting-edge hardware is available to india. Over and
above all this, there are consultations over key security
issues, often behind closed doors. the 2005 indo-us civilian
nuclear agreement—ending ‘nuclear apartheid’—was
premised on close strategic ties.
All this took a hit under the trump presidency when
trade and strategic relations were linked together. this left
friends of india in the us and those of the us in india aghast.
With China now poised to match if not supplant the us as a
global military power in the decades ahead, it is imperative
that strategic relations be ring-fenced against any turmoil
in other aspects of bilateral ties. the impending CAAtsA
waiver is a welcome step in that direction. nBEYOnD tHE
tRUMp tURMOiL
a new era in indo-Us relations
a TEF rThOughT