India Today – August 13, 2018

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12 INDIA TODAY AUGUST 13, 2018

L


ast week, the country awoke to
alarming new revelations in the sordid
scandal of the routine sexual abuse of
34 girls between the ages of 7 and 14 in
an NGO-run, state-funded Balika Grih
in Muzaffarpur, Bihar. One girl is rumoured to
have been murdered while others were sedated
at night in the guise of medical treatment only
to wake up to abdominal pains from rape. This
sexual abuse may have involved exchange of
money pocketed by the culprits. Eleven women
went missing from another home run by the
same NGO. Reports of such horrific conditions
in government- and NGO-run homes for
juveniles, sex workers and beggars have become
routine, leading us to interrogate the meaning
and centrality of the right to rehabilitation
enshrined in the Trafficking of Persons
(Prevention, Protection and Rehabilitation) Bill,
2018, passed by the Lok Sabha.
Welfare through rehabilitation is the
hallmark of the Immoral Traffic Prevention
Act (ITPA), 1986. Adult women, whether in
sex work voluntarily or not, are rescued from
brothels and put up in protective homes, with or
without their consent. In ‘Raided’, a recent study
conducted by Maharashtra-based SANGRAM
(Sampada Gramin Mahila Sanstha) and VAMP
(Veshya Anyay Mukti Parishad), 193 of the 243
women interviewed were adult, consenting
sex workers. These homes ignore inmates’
needs and are often abusive, leading women to
commit suicide, to riot or to escape. Without
legal resources to negotiate their freedom, they
languish in homes for months, or even years.
Upon release, they are unwelcome at home and
return to a life of penury. As per ‘Raided’, 77 per
cent of women return to sex work. Kimberly
Walters and Vibhuti Ramachandran, both
ethnographers of ITPA homes, report that
women perceive such ‘shelter-based detention’
as an ‘extended mode of trafficking’, like the
initial entry into sex work. Both authors
note that the constitutionality of these ITPA
provisions is suspect.
The 2018 Trafficking Bill is unfortunately
baked in the crucible of the ITPA. Its paternalist
provisions on raids, rescue and rehabilitation

allow for a police officer, based solely on his
belief, to raid and ‘rescue’ a trafficked person
and conduct a medical examination irrespective
of the victim’s wishes. The victim is placed in a
protection home for short-term relief and later
in a rehabilitation home for an unspecified,
but ‘reasonable’ period based on the order of a
magistrate or child welfare committee. Where
an adult survivor applies to the magistrate for
release, the magistrate may reject it if she believes
that the request has not been made voluntarily;
there is no provision for appeal. Survivors are
to be repatriated, but the status of an unwilling
survivor is unclear. The government may
designate existing shelter homes, including those
set up under the ITPA, for rehabilitation. There
is thus substantial institutional and procedural
overlap between the ITPA and the bill.
The trafficking bill aims to be visionary with
compensation and comprehensive services,
but it ignores community-based approaches
to rehabilitation and fails to comply with the
Supreme Court’s decision in the Karmaskar
case that rehabilitation must be voluntary. It
ignores the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
guidelines on trafficking and human rights,
which require that rescue operations not harm
the rights and dignity of survivors, that they are
not subjected to mandatory HIV test or be held
in custody, and that they be allowed to participate
in developing anti-trafficking interventions.
Given the carceral nature of rehabilitation,
how can survivors possibly rejoice at the bill’s
proclaimed right to rehabilitation? In the absence
of resources, the training of personnel and strict
oversight over the unholy alliance of the state
and the NGO ‘rescue industry’, the utopian vision
of the bill for rehabilitation is likely to become
a dystopian reality in which the failed ITPA
model of rehabilitation is extended to 8 million
‘modern slaves’, including trafficked sex workers,
bonded and child labourers, migrant workers,
beggars, surrogates, wives from forced marriages,
transgender persons and domestic workers. n

Prabha Kotiswaran is Reader, Law and Social
Justice at King’s College, London

The Trauma of Rehabilitation


POINT OF VIEW

By Prabha Kotiswaran

The Trafficking
Bill ignores
community-
based
approaches to
rehabilitation
and fails to
comply with the
SC decision that
rehabilitation
must be
voluntary


Illustration by TANMOY CHAKRABORTY

UPFRONT

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