978 cynthea j. bogel
imported, his intention is not recorded. Here we suggest that evidence
strongly demonstrates that the hall was closely tied to the Diamond
World mandala in terms of both visual intentionality, as a sculptural
mandala for the Benevolent Kings conceptual and ritual tradition;
and visual effect, as a site for national protection. Understanding the
relationship between ritual practice, representation, effect, referential-
ity, visuality, and history are key to understanding the Lecture Hall
altar as both form and performance. I am interested in the “original
setting” not because of an overarching validity but as a way of conceiv-
ing the relationship of Kūkai’s plan to the advent of mikkyō visuality in
Japan. Based on the commentary in the historical record, we see that
the chief priests of Tōji also sought to recreate the original plan.
If the Ninnōkyō-hō rite was not performed there during the ninth
century, then the Lecture Hall visually resonates with—indeed, cho-
reographs—the rite and mandala iconography. This can be supported
not only by the reasons summarized thus far but also by the fact that
in later centuries the rite was actually performed on the statue altar; I
take up this point below.
Ritual Place
Only one study of the Tōji Lecture Hall altar, to my knowledge, specu-
lates about the actual performance of rites at the Lecture Hall during
the ninth century. Yamada Kōji argues that the hall and its statues
were made as commemorative works intended to promote national
peace and protection, but that the Benevolent Kings rituals could not
have occurred in the Tōji Lecture Hall because there is insufficient
space for an actual performance of the Ninnōkyō-hō.^53 This conclu-
sion, based on the actual space, overlooks the conceptual and perfor-
mative nature of visuality and material form. The earliest illustrated
description of the rite may be that given by Kakuzen, who gives the
922 Fukanreitōki drawing in his ca. 1219 Kakuzenshō as the definitive
guide for the rite, and reproduces it at the end of the text. He also
illustrates and discusses a Gohō mandara, or Five Directions Man-
dala, based largely on the Ninnō nenju giki.^54 He gives illustrations
of the canopy and the ritual platform and drawings like those said to
(^53) Yamada and Miyaji 1988, 129–30.
(^54) BZ 46: 191–204 (Ninnōkyō-jō, Kakuzenshō 2: 677–92). For the opening of the
mandara section, see BZ 46: 191 (Ninnōkyō-jō, Kakuzenshō 2: 679); see BZ 46: 200