264 charles d. orzech
intimately connected with Buddhism’s adaptation to medieval sāmanta
feudalism. The emerging Mantrayāna was “simultaneously the most
politically involved of Buddhist forms and the variety of Buddhism
most acculturated to the medieval Indian landscape” (Davidson 2002a,
114). It is notable, however, that many of the themes found in sev-
enth-century texts, including the use of spells for both “worldly” and
soteriological ends, for subjugating demons, for homa oblations, the
appearance of Vajrapaṇi, and so on, had appeared in earlier texts still
preserved in the Chinese canon.^5
In its “mature” or classical form that appears in the seventh cen-
tury, esoteric rites are structured around the metaphor of the over-
lord (rājādhirāja), and this new “vehicle” is saturated with sovereign
imagery.^6 The disciple enters the mandala and assumes command of it
through abhiṣeka (guanding , consecration) and the use of man-
tra and is thereafter sworn to secrecy.^7 The ultimate goal of this ritual
is the realization of one’s identity with the enlightened lord of the
universe. The ritual “coronation” of the disciple as an enlightened bud-
dha is embedded in a program through which the disciple is instructed
in the command of various “subordinate” deities. The worldly utility
of these lords of mantra—their ability to predict or influence battles
and even to assassinate through ritual means—was an attraction for
high-placed patrons. Mantrins could serve as enforcers, and their util-
ity was quickly recognized and even articulated as a distinctive func-
tion within Chinese Buddhism.^8 While contrary to much of earlier
Buddhist teaching on violence, the new developments certainly built
(^5) Examples include the Mahāmāyūrīvidyārājñī by Saṅghabara (Kongqiu-
wang zhou jing T. 984), Mahāman ̣ivipulavimāna-viśvasupratiṣthita-̣
guhyaparamarahasya-kalparāja-dhāraṇī ( T. 1007), the Azhapoju
guishen dajiang shang fo tuoluoni shenzhou jing
(Scripture on the Supreme Buddha, Divine Spell Dhāran ̣ī of the Great Demon Gen-
eral Ātavaka ̣ T. 1237), the Amoghapāśa sūtra (Bukong juan suo zhou jing
T. 1093) and the Ekādasamukha sūtra ̣ (Fo shuo shiyi mian Guanshiyin shenzhou
jing T. 1070). For a full treatment of these developments
see Sørensen, “Esoteric Buddhism in China: A Working Definition,” in this volume. 6
The use of royal metaphors is intentional and systematic. See for instance, David-
son 2002, 121–122. 7
As, for example, in the Tuoluoni ji jing or Collection of Coded Instruc-
tions (Dhāraṇīsaṃgraha sūtra, T. 901.18:795a2–14. Also see Davidson, “Abhiṣeka,” in
this volume.
(^8) Zanning (919–1001) makes such an argument in Lives of Eminent Monks
Composed in the Song (Song gaoseng zhuan ), T. 2061.50:724b16–726. See
the discussion in Orzech 2006b, 65–68.