The Economist May 21st 2022 23
United States
Benefitsforimmigrants
The welfare states
O
ne marchmorning, a raucous parade
of protesters passed by The Economist’s
offices in midtown Manhattan. Supporters
of a policy called the Excluded Workers
Fund were showing their discontent, dis
cernible above the din of city traffic, with
New York’s governor, Kathy Hochul (whose
office is a few blocks away). They also
sought attention in other ways, disrupting
traffic on the Brooklyn and Manhattan
Bridges. Some even marched 150 miles
(240km) to the state capital, Albany.
The Excluded Workers Fund was a state
fund set up to pay workers who did not
qualify for federal unemployment benefits
or stimulus cheques—mainly undocu
mented immigrants. Established in August
2021, it exhausted the $2.1bn allocated to it
in three months, mostly through pay
ments of $15,600 to 130,000 people. The
protesters were demanding $3bn more to
cover 175,000 workers who also qualified.
Expansions of benefits to immigrants
illegally in America is a relatively recent,
bicoastal affair. From May 1st, California
has allowed undocumented residents
above the age of 50 to receive benefits from
Medicaid, the government healthinsur
ance programme for the poor. The state
was already covering Medicaid costs for
those under 26 out of its own purse. In his
most recent budget the governor, Gavin
Newsom, proposed covering the final
missing group, those between the ages of
26 and 50—in essence offering Medicaid as
a right to all Californians, regardless of im
migration status. During the covid19 pan
demic, the state gave cheques amounting
to $1,700 per person to all.
Although the campaign to refill the Ex
cluded Workers Fund failed in New York,
Ms Hochul has put her state on the path to
Californiastyle incremental expansion by
signing a budget in April that provides
Medicaid for elderly undocumented resi
dents who are over 65. Since 2020, Califor
nia and Colorado allow undocumented im
migrants to claim earnedincome tax cred
its as though they were legal residents.
These moves have attracted muted con
troversy in their home states. Yet they are
revolutionary. The federal government,
like most advanced welfare states from
Britain to Sweden, generally prohibits
benefits from going to those without a le
gal right to work (and imposes waiting pe
riods for legal migrants). Democratrun
state and local governments have long re
sisted federal immigration enforcement.
These efforts take things to a new level.
Disaffection with Congress’s inability
to pass immigration reform, including a
path to citizenship, has led some states,
buoyed by recent surpluses, to spend their
funds on emulating the federal safetynet
for undocumented residents. In December
New York City Council even voted to allow
800,000 noncitizens with work permits
to vote in the city’s next council and may
oral elections, including about 30,000
“Dreamers”, who migrated illegally to
America as children but received permits
through an Obamaera programme. Only a
few short years ago, such policies might
have been dismissed as feverdreams of
the nativist right.
N EW YORK
Democratic states are extending welfare benefits to the undocumented
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