Is Naziismthe FinalStageof Capitalism? 143to supporta populistpartythatseemedto be oneof theirown,the Nazis(National
Socialists).”^90
In short,the Naziswereno lessof an enthusiasticgrassrootsmovementthanthe
contemporaryanti-globalizationactivistswhoprovidemassivedemonstrationsat the
meetingsof the WorldTradeOrganizationand whooccupiedWallStreetin the autumn
of 2011.Alsonot unlikethatsuperstarof the anti-globalizationmovement,NoamChom-
sky,Hitlerraisedenormoussumsof moneyfromchargingfeesfor his speakingengage-
ments.^91 “Evenin hardtimeswhenmoneywasshort,” writesGellately,“peoplewere
chargeda fee to listento whatNazishad to say.... The priceof admission(discountedfor
some)... helpedfinance” the Nazis’ campaignin the 1930election.Thisprovideda
windfallfor the movement—“In just threespeechesHitlergaveat Berlin’s Sportpalast”
that year,“the Partynettedat leastthirtythousandmarks.... He had becomea fundrais-
ing machine.Mostpartiesusedamountslike that to financean entirelocalcampaign.”^92 It
wasalreadyparadoxicalbackthenthatspeechesfromfamousanti-capitalistsdid not
comecheap,and it remainsparadoxicalas of this writing—a singleaddressfromChom-
sky will cost an organization12,000dollars.^93 Despiteits failureto win the supportof the
IndustryClub,by January26, 1933,the NSDAPboasted800,000membersand couldrely
on a numberof votersrangingsomewherefrom6.5 millionto 13 millionvoters.“The
party’s strength,” surmisesFest,“dependedon theselegionsof littlepeople,andHitler
had to keepin mindtheir‘enormousanticapitalistnostalgia.’... he wasmoreattunedto
themthanto the proud,pigheadedbusinessmen.”^94
GettingDownto Business
AlanS. Milwardconfirmsothersignificantfacts.Yes,someGermanfirms,suchas I. G.
Farben,eventuallytriedto ingratiatethemselvesto the Naziregimein orderto get the
regimeto passlawsto restricttheircompetitors.However,ultimately,“the supportfor
the NationalSocialistpartycamein largemeasurefroma sectionof the populationwhose
politicalsympathieswerein manywaysantipatheticto the worldof big business.... This
supportwasmaintainedby a persistentanti-capitalist rhetoricbut alsoby a certain
amountof legislationwhichcannotby anyshiftof argumentbe explainedby a theory
whichassumesNationalSocialismto be a stageof statecapitalism.” Milwardidentifies
the legislationas “a movementof protestagainstmoderneconomicdevelopment.. .”^95
Germanbig businessesbegantalkingwithHitlerafterthe NSDAPgrewrapidlyin popu-
larityand influencein the 1930s.Andat thatpointtheyremainedskittishaboutsupport-
ing Hitler.Kershawhistoricizesthatthe businesstycoons’ conversationswiththe Nazis
were“insufficientto removethe ‘socialist’ imageof the partyin the eyesof manybusi-
nessmen.” The businessmendistrustedthe NSDAPon accountof howit tookthe sideof
Berlin’s metalworkersduringtheirstrikein the fall of 1930.The businesseswereaskance
of the NationalsozialisticheBetriebszellenorganisation—NSBO,or NationalSocialistFac-
toryCellOrganization.A groupthatfancieditselfa sortof tradeunion—andwhich
wouldlaterbecomethe one laborunionauthorizedto operateunderthe ThirdReich—the
NSBOvoicedsupportfor fourotherindustrialstrikesin 1931.The majorityof the indus-
trialiststherefore“retainedtheirhealthyscepticismaboutthe HitlerMovementduring
1931.” The majorityof industrialistsabhorredHitler.Supportersin the veinof steelmag-
nateFritzThyssenwerein the minority.^96
“All acrossthe country,” statesTurner,“attackson capitalists,capitalism,andhigh
finance” pervadedthe NaziParty’s speechesandcampaignliteraturethroughoutthe
early1930s.” Sure,thesesameNazicampaignerscontinued“theirverbalassaultson
‘Marxists’ and ‘Marxism,’” but that gesture“providedscantcomfortfor big business.. .”
Thereasonwasthat“the partypressproposedan arrayof newwelfaremeasures,” in-