Socialismand Fascism 153FascismBuddingOff fromSocialism
Thedisagreementstartedduringthe FirstWorldWar.Mostmembersof the Italian
socialistpartyeagerlyanticipateda worldwideuprisingof socialistsagainstthe leadersof
everyEuropeannation.For this reason,muchof the leadershipof Italy’s socialistmove-
mentin 1914stronglyurgedthatthe Italiansocialistpartiestakea neutralpositioncon-
cerningWorldWarOne.As far as theirinterpretationwent,everyEuropeancountrywas
muchtoo capitalist,andit wasthe capitalistnatureof bothsidesof the conflictthat
propelledthemto clashfromthe outset.By contrast,MussoliniandsomeotherItalian
socialistsfelt thatEnglandandFranceheldthe moralhighgroundoverGermanyand
Austria,and that Italyshouldthereforefighton the sideof the formertwo nationsagainst
the latter.Mussoliniand severalof his partycomradesarguedthatGermanyand Austria
werefar moresociallyprimitivethanEnglandandFrance,andthata German-Austrian
victorywouldretardthe historicalprogressiontowardglobalsocialism,hopelesslyset-
ting the movementback.
For thisreason,fourof Mussolini’s sympathizersfromthe Italiansocialistparty—
AngeloO. Olivetti,AlcesteDe Ambris,FilippoCorridoni,and MassimoRocca—issueda
Manifestoon October5, 1914,to expresstheiropinionforthright.Theymaintainedfull
agreementwiththe economicpoliciesof the mainlinesocialists,but departedfromthem
by supportingEnglandand France.Thereupontheysplitoff fromthe socialisthard-liners
to formtheirownmovement,whichtheydubbedFascioRivoluzionarioD’AzioneInternazi-
onalista, roughly“revolutionaryinternationalfascistactivism.” To explicatethis conclu-
sionfurther,Olivettilauncheda newideologicaljournal,Fascio. A. JamesGregorwrites
thatin the October10, 1914issueof this periodical,OlivettiexhortedItaly’s “socialiststo
facethe urgentissueof makingthe socialrevolutionnationalin character,for eventshad
shownthat the sentimentof nationality‘supersededand influencedeveryother.’” In that
sameissue,FilippoCorridoni“arguedthat traditionalsocialismhad lightlydismissedthe
nationalsentimentsof the workingclasseswhileeventshadprovedthemmistakenand
had dissolvedthe old antinationalism.” Thatotherpioneeringfascist,AlcesteDe Ambris,
“insistedthatthe warhad becomea nationaland revolutionaryduty.” Thispositionwas
not completelyanathemato socialism.AntoniaGramsci(1891–1937),a majorfigurein
ItalianMarxism,publiclydefendedthe fascistsplintergroup’s stand.
As for Mussolinihimself,he “cameto recognizethatthe ultimateinterestsof the
proletariatwereintimatelyand fatallylinkedwiththoseof the fatherland.” Accordingly,
Mussolinithought“the socialismof the futurecouldonlybe anationalsocialism.. .”^20
(emphasisGregor’s).
FromKarlMarx’s day to the early1900s,main-linesocialistideologypreeneditselfon
beinginternational; the socialists fancied themselves as broadminded thinkers who
transcendednationalism,as socialistsin everycountrytookup commoncause.By distinc-
tion,Mussoliniand the firstfascistsstill prioritizedsocialism,but wantedeachnationto
haveits ownsocialistgovernment,onethatdid not necessarilyadhereto the foreign-
policystancesof othersocialistnations.Hencethe firstfascistspioneeredin advocating
somethingthat was,if not a nationalsocialism,a variantof socialistnationalism.Affirma-
tive,MussolinidriftedfrommainstreamItaliansocialismand gravitatedintothe orbitof
the fascists.In that transition,he did not waverfromgovernismor economiccollectivism.
Nordid he adoptany newappreciationfor individualismor peacefulentrepreneurship.
Universityof California,Irvine,historianJohnP. Digginsobservesthatsoonafter
Mussolini’s coupin Italy,“theWeeklyPeople, officialorganof the SocialistLaborParty
(SLP),reprintedfromtheNewRepublicGiuseppePrezzolini’s ‘The Fascistiandthe Class
Struggle.’ Prezzolini,wholaterbecamean avidchampionof the Fascistmovement,teach-
ing at Columbia[University],gavea sanguineaccountof the movement,insistingthat the