Jewish Philosophical Politics in Germany, 1789-1848
amelia
(Amelia)
#1
Jews between Volk and Proletariat { 1 89
The form of Kritik Bauer touts as free human activity par excellence remains,
in Marx’s assessment, within the logic of confession (Bekenntnis): “For the Jew
it is still a matter of a profession of faith [Bekenntnis], though no longer faith in
Christianity but rather in Christianity in dissolution.”^146
Marx prepares his shift toward social reality with his dismissal, at the end of
ZJ 1 , of the political act (Ta t). In the course of his critique of the illusory universal-
ity of the French Revolution—the great political revolution—Marx comments:
“The rights of man appear to be natural rights because self-conscious activity is
concentrated on the political act.”^147 The political act had undergone a process
of derealization in Marx’s eyes since he wrote his Kreuznach Kritik only a few
months previously. The orientation of self-conscious activity toward the politi-
cal act does not liberate human beings but only installs as human rights what are
in fact the rights of egoistic private persons. As heaven naturalizes unjust earthly
social conditions while promising a fictitious ultimate refuge from them, politi-
cal heaven also lends the inhuman conditions of egoistic civil society the appear-
ance of a natural condition. Since the political state and egoistic civil society in
this way produce each other mutually and carry the structure of Christian dual-
ism into secular modernity, political emancipation offers no solution. Instead,
it is fragmented, egoistic society—the pseudo-natural ground above which the
abstractly universal political sphere hovers—that must be “revolutionized.”^148
Marx intensifies his critique of Bauer’s model of historical agency in ZJ 2.
Near the beginning of it he charges Bauer with transforming the emancipation
of the Jews into “a philosophical-theological act.”^149 Marx states his goal in this
essay to be to displace emancipatory agency from the plane of theological, philo-
sophical, and political pseudo-action into real social practice: “We are trying
to break with the theological formulation of the question. For us, the question
of the Jew’s capacity for emancipation becomes the question: What particular
social element has to be overcome in order to abolish Judaism?”^150
In late 1843 , however, Marx still lacked the tools for socioeconomic analysis
that this ambitious project demanded. He developed a compelling theory of
production through intensive reading in economics in 1844 ; his friendship with
Engels, whose firsthand knowledge of factory conditions in England pushed
Marx in a more empirical direction; and a series of increasingly vituperative
polemics against erstwhile Young Hegelian colleagues, culminating in The Ger-
man Ideology, the first articulation of the principles of dialectical materialism.
Marx’s relative ignorance of economics and inchoate conception of production
in “Zur Judenfrage” only increase the burden his rhetoric of the real had to bear
at this moment. Marx has a polemical and theoretical need to anchor his critique
in social reality, yet he can access that reality only by conjuring it in gritty rhetoric.