Jewish Philosophical Politics in Germany, 1789-1848
amelia
(Amelia)
#1
196 } Jewish Philosophical Politics in Germany
features Marx’s “Zur Judenfrage” prominently in his book’s introduction and
returns to it in a later chapter “because it provides such a powerful example of
the phenomenon this book is about.”^172 What makes Marx’s essay a key text for
Nirenberg is the slippage it exhibits between the figurative and the real. Marx
clearly seems to have insight into how the stereotypical figure of the “Jew” is
produced by a social semantics that has nothing to do with actual Jews; “Jews”
are not real. Because Marx does have this insight, Nirenberg finds it all the more
unforgivable that he nonetheless creates a “new and powerful confusion of the
figural and the real” by so emphatically insisting that “Jews” are real.^173 Niren-
berg aptly poses the question that Marx’s essay presents to us: “What led Marx
to embrace these confusions and amplify them?”^174 Nirenberg, however, essen-
tially sidesteps his own question instead of trying to answer it.^175 His chief inter-
est lies not in contextual analysis but rather in locating Marx’s essay in a long
history of anti-Jewish structures of thought. Yet the question of why Marx in-
sists on the reality of “Jews” demands a more precise answer than that it partici-
pates in a long tradition of “habits of thought that understood human life and
history in terms of the struggle to achieve the proper relation between law and
love, thing and person, letter and spirit, and the failure to achieve that ideal ‘Ju-
daism.’”^176 It is obvious enough that Marx’s discourse is thoroughly indebted to
this tradition of thought, but this tells us little about how and why Marx deploys
elements of this tradition of anti-Jewish discourse in particular ways in an at-
tempt to arrive at new theoretical insights and a new critical posture.
Read against a Pauline master semantics of spirit versus matter, what is most
striking is indeed the way Marx so emphatically (exuberantly, violently, even
hysterically) insists on the denigrated reality of real Jews not as a foil to validate
Christian spirit, but to expose as an impotent illusion belief in the agency of
Christian spirit in its various forms. Marx insists that Jews are real not only or
primarily to denigrate Jews, but to be able to lay claim to the real itself, which
he could—and in essence could only—evoke through his rhetorical abuse of
the despised figure of the bodily, material, venal Jew. Marx’s violent rhetorical
excess, his assault on the real Jew, is not simply a rejection but in fact an abusive
embrace of this figure.
Marx’s ambivalent relationship to abject real Jews falls chronologically and
conceptually between his relationship to the subpolitical German toads of his
May 1843 letter to Ruge and his mobilization of the proletariat’s abjection as a
universally emancipating force in “Einleitung.” In his pivoting away from the
Volk, Marx was able to avail himself of stereotypes of Jews as, on the one hand,
material and dirty and, on the other hand, ubiquitous and international. Jews
are both obscenely there and everywhere, a quality that permits Marx to use