The Economist - USA (2019-09-28)

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52 TheEconomistSeptember 28th 2019


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tisrarefor the Supreme Court to give a
unanimous judgment on a contentious
appeal. But that is what happened on Sep-
tember 24th when it ruled that Boris John-
son’s prorogation of Parliament for five
weeks until October 14th had been unlaw-
ful. The 11 justices upheld and even
strengthened a Scottish lower-court judg-
ment against the suspension, while over-
turning an English high-court finding that
the issue was political and accordingly not
suitable for judicial determination. In do-
ing this, the court delivered a powerful
blow to the prime minister’s authority.
The blow was the more effective for the
manner of its delivery. In a calm but mellif-
luous voice, the court’s president, Lady
Hale, sporting a glittering spider brooch,
read out a damning judgment against Mr
Johnson. If there were no limit to the gov-
ernment’s ability to prorogue, that would
be incompatible with parliamentary sover-
eignty. She cited a 1611 court ruling that “the
King hath no prerogative, but that which

the law of the land allows him.” She dis-
missed the government’s argument that a
long suspension was needed to prepare a
Queen’s Speech and new legislative agen-
da. She noted that it would limit parlia-
mentary scrutiny. This mattered, she said,
because of the exceptional circumstance
that Brexit is due to happen on October 31st.
Although the Supreme Court did not say
so explicitly, its ruling implied that Mr
Johnson had misled the queen when advis-
ing her in August to prorogue Parliament.
Not surprisingly, the opposition Labour
leader, Jeremy Corbyn, interrupted his
party conference in Brighton to call on the
prime minister to resign. t-shirts with spi-
der motifs quickly popped up on eBay,
where they sold in their thousands. Com-
ing after six successive defeats in the
House of Commons, the passage of an act
designed to prevent a no-deal Brexit, the
resignation of two ministers and the re-
moval of the Tory whip from 21 rebellious
mps, even the ebullient Mr Johnson might

have been expected to feel some embar-
rassment or, just possibly, shame.
Instead he doubled down. He said he
profoundly disagreed with the court’s judg-
ment. He offered no apology for his ac-
tions, even though they had been found
unlawful. Although neither the govern-
ment’s defence nor the court’s judgment
suggested that prorogation was directly
connected to Brexit, he declared ominous-
ly that a lot of people were seeking to frus-
trate it. And he continued to insist that
Britain must leave the euon October 31st,
deal or no deal.
As has happened before, some of his
noisier supporters attacked the judges as
part of an anti-Brexit establishment bent
on thwarting the will of the people. Jacob
Rees-Mogg, the leader of the Commons, re-
portedly spoke of a constitutional coup. A
few Brexiteers suggested that justices
should be subject to political vetting before
appointment. Yet Geoffrey Cox, the attor-
ney-general, declared that, although dis-
agreeing with the judges was acceptable,
impugning their motives was not. Indeed,
the court ruling points to a constitution
that is working, not to one that is broken.
What next? The court declared that, be-
cause the prorogation was unlawful, it had
not happened at all. John Bercow, the
Speaker, duly recalled mps to Westminster
on September 25th. They asked about the
attorney-general’s advice on prorogation,

The government and the law

Along came a spider


The Supreme Court rules that Boris Johnson’s suspension of Parliament was
unlawful, adding to the many obstacles facing his Brexit plans

Britain


53 TheJenniferArcuriaffair
54 Labour’spartyconference
55 Bagehot: After Corbyn

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