attack by foreign powers—principally the
U.S.—and their local, traitorous allies.
COMPARATIVE CRISES
Yet, “nothing is fundamentally wrong” is
clearly not the case in today’s Turkey.
For some years, the country has been
fueling growth with major construction
schemes, often closely tied to AKP offi-
cials’ and supporters’ companies. This
boom has been financed largely on
cheap credit. It is a recipe that has pro-
duced tangible results, in terms of a
much-improved infrastructure, jobs and
higher incomes—but it has also pro-
duced periodic over-heating. This hap-
pened most notably in 2011, 2014 and
2016, when the central bank had to inter-
vene to raise interest rates, the classic
remedy for such a problem.
Normally, that is what should have
happened this time, too. Yet, since Erdo-
gan was re-elected president back in
June, under a new constitutional
arrangement that gives him sweeping
powers, he has had much more direct
control over the central bank.
This has enabled him to pursue one of
his more controversial beliefs: that rais-
ing interest rates raises prices. Indeed,
he has long railed against the “interest
rate lobby,” a shadowy international
grouping who back rate increases to
control inflation. His dogwhistle calls to
rise up against this ill-defined entity go
down well with many of Erdogan’s pro-Is-
lamist supporters, too, who are in no
doubt about this group’s identity: a
global, Jewish-Christian, Western con-
spiracy against Islam and Turkey.
This time, then, there was no interest
rate medicine—thereby undermining the
confidence of many Turkish and interna-
tional investors in Ankara’s ability to
manage both this crisis and future ones.
Given that Turkey is very dependent on
a steady inward flow of these people’s
hard currency, this is a major problem.
Years of advancing credit to finance
growth have also left many of the coun-
try’s banks with foreign currency debts—
now all the more difficult to pay off as the
lira has tumbled and those investors
have grown cautious. This has raised
fears of default, with the banks facing
some $2 billion in monthly repayments
up to the end of the year, increasing to
$4.5 billion in April/May 2019.
While in the past Turkey has had few
options other than to follow a U.S./Euro-
pean Union/IMF prescription for such
crises, this time Ankara has been proac-
tive in seeking out assistance from a
range of other countries.
These include close ally Qatar, which
recently provided a $15 billion backstop,
as well as Russia and Iran, which have
also been supportive. Although neither
has much financial clout to offer, Moscow
has accelerated the sale of S-400 mis-
siles to Turkey, while Ankara has also
said it will not adhere to re-imposed U.S.
sanctions on Iran. The crisis has thus ac-
celerated Turkey’s drift away from its
NATO allies in the West and further com-
plicated a range of regional issues, from
Syria to Central Asia.
Meanwhile, for many ordinary Turks,
this Eid—known as the kurban bayram,
or feast of sacrifice—has undoubtedly
required some more painful financial
sacrifices, too.
of all create a Jewish majority[by expelling
Arabs.]” Expulsion of the Palestinians, p. 29
Sagi Kaisler, then director of Samaria
Residents’ Committee:
“Wherever there are Arab villages, there
is fraud. This is the way they work...it is in
their nature...the [Arab] Joint List united in
order to pass the electoral threshold, but
primarily because they are evil parties that
want to overthrow the right-wing govern-
ment...We are in a battle for the future of
our state, against Arabs....” March 2015
Moshe Katsav, Israeli president 2000-
2007:
“There is a huge gap between us (Jews)
and our enemies, not just in ability but in
morality, culture, sanctity of life, and con-
science. They are our neighbors here, but
it seems as if at a distance of a few hundred
meters away, there are people who do not
belong to our continent, to our world, but
actually belong to a different galaxy.” The
Jerusalem Post, May, 10, 2001
Yisrael Koenig, author of the April
1976 “The Koenig Memorandum,” a
confidential internal Israeli govern-
ment document. Koenig served as the
Northern District Commissioner of the
Ministry of the Interior for 26 years:
“We must use terror, assassination, in-
timidation, land confiscation, and the cut-
ting of all social services to rid the Galilee
of its Arab population.”
Avigdor Lieberman, Israeli foreign minis-
ter, 2009-2012 and 2013-2015, and cur-
rently minister of defense, on Arab Israelis:
“Those who are against us, there's noth-
ing to be done—we need to pick up an
axe and cut off his head. Otherwise we
won't survive here.” March 2015
Rabbi Yaacov Perrin, in his Feb. 27, 1994
eulogy for American-born Dr. Baruch
Goldstein, who massacred 29 Palestinians
praying in Hebron’s Ibrahimi Mosque:
“One million Arabs are not worth a Jew-
ish fingernail.”
Miri Regev, (Likud), the former IDF
spokeswoman, current minister of cul-
ture and sport:
“The Sudanese are a cancer in our body.
We will do everything to send them back
where they came from.” May 2012
MK Ayelet Shaked, current justice minister:
Posted on Facebook in the summer of
2014 the text of an article by the late Israeli
writer/Netanyahu aide Uri Elitzur that
called Palestinian children “little snakes”
and argued that it was justified to bomb
civilians when they give shelter to “evil.”
Eli Yishai, Israeli Interior Minister, Nov.
2012:
“The goal of the operation [Pillar of De-
fense] is to send Gaza back to the Middle
Ages. Only then will Israel be calm for forty
years.”
48 WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS OCTOBER 2018
Racist Remarks
Continued from page 34
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