THERE HAS BEEN perceptible movement of late on one of the
world’s most intractable territorial disputes. For more than four
decades, Morocco has been engaged in an uncompromising
struggle over the Western Sahara against a determined national
liberation movement, called the Polisario Front. Western Sahara
is in fact a desolate 102,700 square miles of mostly rocks, sand
and phosphates, nearly the size of Colorado, with a 660-mile At-
lantic coastline, exceptionally rich in fishing resources. Since
1975, Morocco has occupied this former Spanish colony in the
name of national sovereignty. The following year, Saharan exiles,
who fled to neighboring Algeria, established their government-
in-exile, known as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic and
recognized since by some 80 countries.
More recently, the United Nations, which successfully engineered
a cease-fire between the belligerents in 1991, has been losing pa-
tience over the lack of progress on its other mission: to organize a
referendum for the self-determination of the people of Western Sa-
hara. Last spring, the U.N. renewed its Sahara mission for only six
months, until the end of October—instead of the usual year—ap-
parently to force Morocco and Polisario to
reach a compromise. The latest U.N. state-
ment calls on the two parties to resume ne-
gotiations “without pre-conditions” on a solu-
tion that is “just, durable and mutually accept-
able” for the self-determination of Western
Sahara. U.N. sources said that new pressure
was coming from Washington to conclude the
Saharan mission. Indeed, American diplomat
Amy Noel Tachco informed the U.N. that
putting an end to the 27-year-old status quo
in Western Sahara “is an absolute necessity.”
Should the U.N. Security Council decide
in the fall to terminate the U.N. Mission for
the Referendum in Western Sahara (MIN-
URSO) there could be a showdown be-
tween Morocco, backed by Western govern-
ments like France and Spain, and Polisario,
with support from Algeria, Russia and the
Third World...reminiscent of Cold War days.
In another significant development, the
European Union, with its new Fisheries Ac-
cord, has implicitly recognized Moroccan
sovereignty over Western Sahara. Earlier this year, on Feb. 27,
the European Court of Justice held that the Moroccan fishing ac-
cord was not applicable to Saharan waters. But the European
Court reversed its own ruling on July 19 and rejected Polisario’s
earlier appeal on negotiating a fishing agreement that would in-
clude Saharan waters, on grounds that the organization was “not
concerned” with trade agreements between the EU and Morocco.
The European Commission’s four-year fishing accord, however,
must be ratified by the European Parliament. At the same time,
the Council of European Foreign Ministers adopted an agricultural
accord with Morocco that specifically includes Western Sahara,
and likewise must be ratified by the European Parliament.
In addition, Washington and London gave Rabat strong sup-
port this summer for its contribution toward resolving the Western
Sahara question with its proposal for “autonomy within the
framework of Moroccan sovereignty.” U.S. Assistant Secretary
of State John Sullivan praised Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as “se-
rious, realistic and credible.” Earlier, Britain’s foreignminister said
as much in London. On the other hand, Russian sources at the
U.N. reportedly pointed out that any solution to the Saharan
problem had to be “mutually acceptable.”
Predictably, the Moroccan Foreign Ministry was gratified that
Rabat has been recognized by Europeans “as the only interlocu-
Sahrawi refugee children welcome U.N. envoy for the disputed territory of Western Sahara
Horst Kohler to the Aousserd camp for Sahrawi refugees on the outskirts of Tindouf on
October 18, 2017.
RYAD KRAMDI/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
Marvine Howe, former new York timesbureau chief in Ankara, is the
author of al-andalus rediscovered: iberia’s new Muslims and other
Minorities.
october 2018 Washington report on Middle east affairs
Whither Western Sahara? By Marvine Howe
Special Report
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