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20% reduction in the typical portion size is tolerated and generally goes unnoticed.


When portions are cut by 30% or more, people feel deprived. Polivy and Herman


( 2006 ) suggest that psychological stress is engendered by restrained eating (de-


priving oneself of food or dieting) in the presence of food. The difficulty of


maintaining food restrictions leading to disinhibition and overconsumption may be


rooted in evolutionary ecology and psychology. Self-indulgence may have been an


adaptive behavior when food was available (Polivy et al. 2005 ; Polivy and Herman


2006 ). Therefore, one strategy is to reduce energy density of foods while increasing


volume size so that individuals do not think or feel deprived (Rolls and Barnett


2000 ; Wansink 2010 ). In these studies, psychologists and nutritionists use


self-report measures and food consumption patterns to assess stress. Rarely have


biomarkers of stress such as salivary cortisol (Putterman and Linden 2006 ) or 24-h


free-cortisol (Bedford et al. 2010 ) been employed.


Portion sizes and perception of portion size are influenced by the size and shape


of packages, serving vessels and utensils. From 1970 to 2000, the number of larger


sized packages increased tenfold (Young and Nestle 2002 ). A recent counter-trend


has been to reduce package size, for example, in 100-calories packages to control


serving size and caloric intake. However, a disincentive is that the cost per ml or g


is much higher than for the equivalent product in larger sizes (Wansink 2010 ).


When items are packaged or presented as if they are a single serving, they are
generally consumed as a single serving even though 20 oz (591 ml) of cola is 2 1/2


servings, a supersized 6 oz (170 g) blueberry muffin is 3 servings, and a large bagel


is about 4 servings of bread (Nestle 2002 ; USDA 2000 ). Supersizing restaurant


portions leads to the consumption of many servings during a single meal. For


example, Italian casual dining restaurants serve pasta portions of 2–4 cups which is


four to six USDA servings (Nestle 2002 ; USDA 2000 ; Young and Nestle 2002 ). To


accommodate these larger portions, plates and bowls have also become larger, and


this leads to an underestimation of the amount of food on the plate and greater


consumption (Wansink 2010 ).


An experiment measured the influence of different-size bowls and scoops on


portion size of self-served ice cream by nutrition faculty and graduate students in


nutritional sciences (Wansink et al.2006b). People were given a small bowl


(502 ml) or a large bowl (1005 ml) and a small (59 ml) or large scoop (89 ml).


Both influenced serving sizes. The nutrition experts with the large bowls served


themselves 31% more (127 calories) than their colleagues with the small bowls and


people with both large bowls and scoops served 57% more than those using small


bowls and scoops. The large scoop alone increased serving sizes by 14.5%. What is


most surprising is these nutritional scientists were unaware of the differences in


serving sizes. Observations at a Chinese buffet confirmed the plate-size bias. Diners


with large plates served 52% more, ate 45% more, and wasted 135% more food


than those with smaller plates (Wansink and van Ittersum 2013 ). Furthermore, even


education immediately preceding a dining event was not effective in reducing the


bias of plate size on serving size.


In contrast to Wansink and colleagues’findings of consistent effects of the
influence of serving dish size on consumption volume, a meta-analysis of 9


10 Objective and Subjective Aspects of the Drive to Eat in... 203

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