The EconomistOctober 5th 2019 United States 232 claimed that whistleblower rules changed
just before this one acted—drawing a rare
rebuke from the intelligence community’s
inspector-general. And he accused Mr
Schiff, without evidence, of helping to
write the whistle-blower’s complaint.
The number of officials drawn into the
inquiry is growing. On October 2nd Mike
Pompeo, the secretary of state, said that he
was on the phone call between Messrs
Trump and Zelensky; he has also been sub-
poenaed. House Democrats are looking
into Rick Perry, the energy secretary, who
travelled to Ukraine in May. They are also
interested in William Barr, the attorney-
general, whose Justice Department initial-
ly blocked the release of the whistle-blow-
er’s complaint, and who Mr Trump impli-
cated in his efforts to enlist foreign
governments’ help in investigating Mr Bi-
den. The House has also subpoenaed Rudy
Giuliani, Mr Trump’s personal lawyer, for
documents and communications related
to Ukraine.
So far no House Republicans have
backed Ms Pelosi’s inquiry. Two say they
support “oversight”, but not impeachment
hearings. Most have offered arguments—
the whistleblower was not on the call, there
was no direct quid pro quo, the call was
consistent with American concerns about
corruption in Ukraine—that are not quite a
full-throated defence of the president. Mr
Trump, meanwhile, has used the threat of
impeachment to turbocharge fundraising.
In the days after Ms Pelosi’s announcement
his campaign pulled in $15m and, accord-
ing to his campaign manager, at least
50,000 new donors.
Conventional wisdom says that Senate
Republicans are Mr Trump’s bulwark—that
the 20 Republicans required will never vote
for removal, even if the Democrat-con-
trolled House impeaches. That will proba-
bly hold. Although some Republican sena-
tors will trash Mr Trump off-the-record, so
far only Mitt Romney and Ben Sasse have
come near to publicly rebuking the presi-
dent; Mr Romney said he was “deeply trou-
bled” by Mr Trump’s behaviour.
But politicians respond to public opin-
ion. The latest YouGov/Economistpoll finds
that half of all registered voters, including
11% of Republicans, believe the House
should “try to impeach” Mr Trump, and 51%
of voters, including 13% of Republicans,
think that if the House impeaches Mr
Trump, the Senate should vote to remove
him from office. Over two-thirds of regis-
tered voters believe that abuse of power
and obstruction of justice warrant remov-
al. This doubtless sets Democratic hearts
aflutter. But broad support for the notion
that Mr Trump’s conduct was impeachable
is not enough to convince a critical mass of
Republican senators. Mr Trump often
turns politics into a loyalty test. And Re-
publicans usually let him have his way. 7
O
n the faceofit,unionsaremore
emboldened today than they have
been for years. About 50,000 members of
the United Auto Workers (uaw) contin-
ued a national shutdown at General
Motors this week, amid unusually hard
bargaining over pay and conditions. The
strike has now become the union’s lon-
gest at the car company since the 1970s
(see Schumpeter). Sensing how public
attitudes to unions are warming, Demo-
cratic presidential candidates have been
taking turns to pose with the striking
workers, notably at car plants in Detroit.
Drive four hours from the Motor City,
however, to the woodlands of northern
Michigan, and an alternative symbol of
union fortunes exists. The uaw’s Black
Lake resort is in an idyllic, if largely
forgotten, spot. On its thousand-acre
grounds deer step gingerly between oaks
and maples. A few golfers swish along
the 18 holes of its tree-lined course. In
forest clearings there are sun-dappled
log cabins, pine-clad lodges, tennis
courts, bars, modernist sculptures and
lecture halls.
An indoor Olympic-size swimming
pool is a few steps from a lakeside slip-
way where holidaymakers may launch
speedboats. In a small museum visitors
can dutifully study the white hard hat
and other memorabilia that belonged to
Walter Reuther, the revered president of
the uaw in its mid-century heyday, when
it had three times as many members as it
does today. Mr Reuther’s ashes are spreadaroundtheproperty.
Yet the resort, owned by the union
since 1967, is in dire straits. A worker
recalls how, three decades ago, the place
bustled with visitors who dined on Alas-
kan king crab on Tuesdays, then rib-eye
steaks and shrimp on Thursdays. During
a recent visit the fare was more meagre
and the place mostly empty. Few union
workers take holidays in the woods any
more. And though the resort is open to
the public—if visitors drive cars built by
union labour—it is run at a steep loss. It
is said to owe the union over $61m.
After the fbi raided the resort in
August, union members may conclude
its charm has been lost. The feds were
investigating a long-running corruption
scandal that involves bribery and lavish
spending by car companies on the uaw’s
recent leaders. One site of interest is a
home for a former boss that is still only
half-built at Black Lake.
Other unions have enjoyed similarly
grand retreats. Anyone keen on 18 holes
and vintage architecture can still book a
spot at the United Steelworkers’ splen-
did-looking mansion at Linden Hall in
rural Pennsylvania. The Teamsters had
their own golf course and holiday camp
in Missouri until they sold the place four
years ago. Like the uaw, Teamster mem-
bership has fallen from its peak. Unions
need to modernise themselves to prove
more relevant to the members. Getting
rid of rustic retreats could be one small
way to do that.Inretreat
Organised labourBLACK LAKE, MICHIGAN
A woodland resort symbolises unions’ diminishing fortunes