A2 EZ RE THE WASHINGTON POST.FRIDAY, MAY 27 , 2022
administration’s estimate of the
harm climate change causes,
known as the “social cost of
carbon.”
The federal government uses
the estimate in all sorts of
rulemaking, including new
drilling permits and assessing the
costs for crop losses and flood
risks.
After the Trump
administration lowered the cost
estimate from that set in the
Obama administration, President
Biden’s administration increased
it. Republican-led states sued.
A federal district judge in
Louisiana ruled for the states and
said the estimates could not be
used. But a panel of the U.S. Court
of Appeals for the 5th Circuit
disagreed and put the judge’s
order on hold. The Supreme
Court’s action Thursday keeps
that ruling in place.
— Robert Barnes and Anna PhillipsNEWYORK
Court rules Trump
must sit for depositionAn appellate court panel has
upheld an order requiring Donald
Trump and two of his adult
children to sit for depositions as
part of the state’s long-running
civil investigation into the former
president’s business practices at
the family-run Trump
Organization.
The decision published on
Thursday rejects Trump’s
argument that investigators from
New York Attorney G eneral
Letitia James’s (D) office were
trying to get evidence against him
to use in a parallel criminal case
through improper channels.
A four-member appellate panel
sided with James on Thursday in
upholding a ruling by New York
Supreme Court Justice Arthur
Engoron in late February that
required the Trumps to comply
with subpoenas for testimony.
— Shayna JacobsIn a one-sentence order
without comment or noted
dissent, the court turned aside a
request from L ouisiana and other
Republican-led states to prevent
federal agencies from using theThursday allowed the Biden
administration, for now, to use a
higher estimate for the societal
cost of rising greenhouse gases
when federal agencies draft
regulations.ENVIRONMENT
Supreme Court allows
Biden climate rulesThe Supreme Court on
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l The Where We Live feature in
the April 16 Real Estate section
incorrectly said the Franconia-
Springfield Metro station serves
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First Look
Hugh Hewitt, contributing
columnist, The Washington PostDana Milbank, opinions columnist,
The Washington PostModerated by Jonathan Capehart
Washington Post Live
eventsafter Brooks’s supporters and
pursue Trump’s endorsement.
Instead, Britt and Durant
engaged in a furious two-month
battle focusing most of their
attention on each other, leaving
Brooks to try to regroup.
A super PAC funded by Britt’s
allies focused on Durant’s 2011
speech at the Army War College
discussing the Somalia raid. The
initial goal was “disarming the
population,” he said, before ad-
libbing a hypothetical line that
got the attention of his
opponents.
“Let’s face it. If we could do
that with some of our U.S. cities,
that would be a pretty good step
towards law and order,” Durant
said, a line that got played over
and over in the ads.
Durant and his allies ripped
into Britt as part of the
establishment that opposed
Trump.
And Brooks just sat there,
avoiding the fire, boosted by
millions of dollars in ads from
the Club for Growth.
“Katie Britt and Mike Durant
have been very viciously
attacking each other recently,” he
said in a brief interview after
House votes April 26. “That has
hurt their standing and helped
my standing.”
But, as Tuesday’s results
showed, Durant took the biggest
hit and Brooks benefited from
that fall.
Asked what prompted the
Durant free-fall, Tuberville
mentioned guns first. “They had
some videos of him talking about
doing away with guns,” he said.
All of this occurred as the most
storied gun lobby, the National
Rifle Association, played only acomeback, as the latest example
of why they steer clear of gun
negotiations. In an era where
Trump’s endorsement was
considered so critical, along with
backing his “big lie” about the
2020 election being stolen,
Durant demonstrated that
running afoul of gun rights might
be a bigger sin than falling out of
favor with the former president.
Some personal issues dogged
Durant, along with accusations
of being a carpetbagger who
hardly ever voted in Alabama.
But the gun issue also played a
big role, Shelby said Wednesday.
“I think it hurt him. I think it
hurt him a lot in the state.”
Durant entered the Senate
race as the unknown candidate
with a sterling personal résumé:
a decorated Army helicopter
pilot who was held hostage by
terrorists in Somalia in 1993, a
deadly battle documented by the
2001 movie “Black Hawk Down.”
But he had no patron in the
race, while Britt had Shelby’s
backing with local power brokers
and national donors, and Brooks
had Trump, until he didn’t.
Brooks — who spoke at the
Jan. 6, 2021, rally with Trump
before the Capitol riot — jumped
into the Senate race soon after
Shelby announced he would
retire. Trump endorsed him
quickly thereafter, and Brooks
seemed to be coasting to the
Senate.
But Brooks floundered this
year, falling into third place,
prompting Trump to back out
and blame the six-term
congressman with going “woke”
by not talking about election
fraud.
That positioned Durant to gocursory role in the race. Amid
investigations and infighting, the
NRA’s political operation has
shrunk in the past few years and
served as a side note in the
Alabama race.
Both Britt and Durant received
A ratings from the NRA, but it
was considered a “qualified”
grade since neither had a voting
record on guns the way Brooks
had. But other groups, not the
NRA, played a key role in airing
the gun ads.
“They don’t have any money.
They endorsed Brooks, but they
didn’t do any — if they submitted
any money, I didn’t know about
it,” Shelby said.
Cramer says the NRA’s
political clout has been
something of a myth for some
time. GOP primary voters don’t
need to be told to vote for gun
supporters by some association,
he said, because they genuinely
love gun rights.
“It’s not the NRA. It’s gun
owners, individual gun owners,”
Cramer said.
In the closing days of the
primary, Brooks brought in Sen.
Ted Cruz (R-Te x.) and other allies
to vouch for him at campaign
stops. Cruz took a thinly veiled
shot at Durant’s video clip and
suggested Brooks was the most
pro-gun candidate.
“Don’t listen to a person’s
words, look to their actions,”
Cruz said Monday. “ And when it
comes to who’s going to stand up
to secure the border, or who’s
going to stand up for the Second
Amendment, who’s going to
stand up for the constitutional
rights of the people of Alabama, I
don’t have to guess with Mo
Brooks.”Standing on the
Capitol steps in
late April, Rep. Mo
Brooks (R)
predicted his
political revival in the Alabama
Senate race because one of his
Republican challengers had
committed a conservative
apostasy: hypothesizing about
seizing guns to reduce crime.
“Those things have torpedoed
his ship, and he’s sinking fast,”
Brooks said at the time.
On Tuesday, hours after
another massacre carried out by
a gunman, Brooks’s prediction
turned into prophecy as he
surged into second place in the
state’s Republican primary and
advanced to a runoff race next
month to determine the GOP
nominee.
Brooks finished with
29 percent in the initial primary
ballot, as first-time candidate
Mike Durant, a businessman and
former Army pilot who once
embraced the idea of disarming
Americans living in cities, sunk
to 23 percent. Katie Britt, a
former top aide to retiring Sen.
Richard C. Shelby (R), finished
with 45 percent and will square
off against Brooks in a June 21
runoff election.
The onetime front-runner had
been left for politically dead two
months ago after former
president Donald Trump revoked
his endorsement. Now, with
turnout likely to be much less
next month than the almost
650,000 who voted in Tuesday’s
primary, s ome Republicans are
not counting Brooks out.
“He’s got a base that’s going to
go vote,” Sen. Tommy Tuberville
(R-Ala.), who won a GOP runoff
two years ago, said on
Wednesday.
The rise, fall and semi-rise of
Brooks encapsulates the power
that gun rights hold inside
Republican politics, particularly
in deep-red southern and
western states and despite
national polling showing
overwhelming support for some
restrictions on gun ownership.
How would a compromise vote
against gun rights impact his
political career in such a
conservative state? “ They would
probably throw me out of office,”
Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) told
reporters Wednesday.
Massacres like Tuesday’s
killing of 19 elementary school
students and two adult staff
members in Te xas often prompt
discussions of common-ground
steps to rein in gun violence. But
then the fear of GOP primary
voters almost always prompts
Senate Republicans to back away,
at least enough of them to
sustain a filibuster and defeat
gun revision efforts.
Many Senate Republicans will
see Durant’s fall, and Brooks’sFall and rise of Brooks highlights power of gun rights
@PKCapitol
PAUL KANEVASHA HUNT/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Rep. Mo Brooks (R-Ala.) in Huntsville, Ala., on Tuesday. Despite losing Donald Trump’s endorsement
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