SUNDAY, MAY 29 , 2022. THE WASHINGTON POST EZ BD B7
C
ongress has an ethics problem. It has
long failed to eliminate the risk that
lawmakers will misuse confidential in-
formation they receive in official briefings. A
decade ago, Congress addressed the issue by
passing the Stop Trading on Congressional
Knowledge Act, which shortened the deadline
for members to disclose trades and reiterated
that insider-trading restrictions applied to
them. But lawmakers are still free to trade
stocks and other investments, an issue that
can affect matters such as national security
and public health.
Congress i s now debating n ew e thics restric-
tions for its members to prevent insider trad-
ing and reduce conflicts of interest. Lawmak-
ers have enlisted by the dozens in an ongoing
bipartisan reform effort following media scru-
tiny of suspiciously timed stock trades, un-
timely financial disclosures and the insider-
trading conviction of a former member.
At least 125 of them have co-sponsored 14
bills and resolutions. Some have sought to
mollify an outraged public with weak bills that
don’t cover spouses, lack effective enforce-
ment p rovisions or do little more than r aise t he
fine for tardy disclosures from $200 to $500.
But the strongest proposals would prohibit
stock trading except through blind trusts or
outlaw owning some investments altogether.
As could be expected, not everyone is
excited about the effort. House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi initially bemoaned what she described
as an attempt to exclude lawmakers from the
“free-market economy,” though she later said
she’d be open to enacting new rules “if
members want to do that.”
Prospects for a congressional stock-trading
ban looked good earlier this year, but Congress
has slow-walked deliberations. Rep. Zoe Lof-
gren (D-Calif.) suggested that complex policy
questions might take time to resolve, saying,
BY WALTER M. SHAUB JR.
Congressional stock trading
ILLUSTRATIONS BY DOLA SUN FOR THE WASHINGTON POST
spring cleaning
CONTINUED ON B8
Twitter: @waltshaub
Walter M. Shaub Jr. is a former director of the
U.S. Office of Government Ethics. He currently
serves as senior ethics fellow with the Project on
Government Oversight.
“It’s way more complicated than I understood
when I first started looking at it.”
But the issue isn’t complex. The only thing
complicating reform in the legislative branch
is that some members lack objectivity when it
comes to applying certain standards to them-
selves. Congress should put the public’s inter-
est first and pass a stock-trading ban.
M
odern American culture has a way of
transforming nearly every philosophi-
cal and spiritual tradition (see: Zen
Buddhism, yoga) into an anodyne pop-culture
analogue. But contemporary iterations of
Stoicism — a Hellenistic school of thought
that deeply influenced ancient Rome — may
win the prize for reducing complex ideas to
shallow, if marketable, sound bites.
Founded in 3rd-century-BC Athens by Zeno
of Citium, and later practiced by such lumi-
naries of the Greco-Roman world as Seneca
and the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius,
Stoicism focuses on the cultivation of personal
goodness through command of the self —
stressing, in particular, the ways we can
control our emotional responses to the world
around us. At its best, Stoicism challenges us
to tame our selfish passions and trains us to
accept injustice, failure and death.
Contemporary pop-Stoicism, however,
treats this idea of self-control as — in the
words of Ryan Holiday, author of the Stoic-in-
fluenced “The Obstacle Is the Way: The Time-
less Art of Turning Trials Into Triumph” — a
useful “life hack”: individualistic, capitalist-
friendly self-help. Today, conventions like the
BY TARA ISABELLA BURTON
Stoicism
Twitter: @NotoriousTIB
Tara Isabella Burton is the author of the novels
“The World Cannot Give” and “Social Creature,”
and the nonfiction “Strange Rites: New Religions
for a Godless World.” Her next book, “Self-Made:
Curating Our Image From da Vinci to the
Kardashians,” will be published in 2023.
annual Stoicon draw thousands of attendees,
while popular podcasts like “Stoic Solutions,”
“The Sunday Stoic” and “The Practical Stoic”
reimagine Stoic wisdom for a modern age.
Some of pop-philosophy’s biggest names, in-
cluding Jordan Peterson, also draw heavily on
elements of Stoic thought. For these writers,
Stoicism can often be boiled down to thera-
peutic platitudes: work hard, push through
pain, reframe toxic narratives.
But pop-Stoicism doesn’t a sk one of philos-
ophy’s most important questions: What does
it mean to live a good life? Stoicism is
ultimately a philosophy not of personal
success but of virtue, encouraging us to
become good people, not just effective ones.
And goodness, unlike productivity, is some-
thing we can’t “ hack” our way toward achiev-
ing.
Twitter: @JosephEStiglitz
Joseph E. Stiglitz, co-recipient of the 2001 Nobel
Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, teaches at
Columbia University.
T
he coronavirus has provided critical
evidence that our current patent sys-
tem, specifically for lifesaving prod-
ucts such as vaccines and medicines, should
be tossed out. Its design is simply inad-
equate for the 21st century, and it has
impeded our response to the pandemic.
While the patent system has enabled drug
companies to make billions of dollars, it has
hindered production of vaccines, contribut-
ing greatly to their lack of availability in
developing countries and emerging mar-
kets, and furnishing ample opportunity for
the virus to mutate to the more contagious,
more dangerous, more vaccine-resistant
variants we’ve seen.
And we the public are paying fourfold: We
paid for the basic research that allowed for
the development of the mRNA vaccine; we
provided massive assistance to help drug
companies bring the vaccines to market; we
pay high prices for the vaccines and other
medicines publicly and privately; and now
that the disease has festered, we pay continu-
ing health and economic costs.
The patent system
BY JOSEPH E. STIGLITZ
Patents are a social construction — laws we
make for society’s betterment, not simply an
individual’s profit. But they are also a prize,
designed to reward and encourage innovative
activity. They are a very badly designed prize,
however — the award of a monopoly right that
works by restricting production and raising
prices. It’s the antithesis of what we should
want, which is the widest dissemination of the
benefits of innovation.
There are alternatives beyond the public
funding of research on and testing of drugs,
such as a publicly funded monetary prize for
scientists who succeed in making lifesaving
drugs and vaccines. For years, Sen. Bernie
Sanders (I-Vt.) introduced legislation toward
that end, and there have been discussions at
the World Health Organization on how such a
scheme could be implemented globally. It’s
past time.