The Washington Post - USA (2022-05-29)

C4 EZ RE THE WASHINGTON POST.SUNDAY, MAY 29 , 2022

BY ROBERT "J.R." GURLEY

AND CHUCK SMITH

C

umberland County, just

an hour’s drive west of

Richmond, is in a crisis

that risks it becoming the

next Flint, Mich. State regulators

at the Virginia Department of

Environmental Quality (DEQ)

are in the initial stages of review-

ing a proposal for the construc-

tion of an unnecessary mega-

landfill, the Green Ridge Landfill.

This project presents a very real

danger to local residents. If ap-

proved, the mega-landfill would

pollute the air, water sources and

historic legacy of this communi-

ty. It also would jeopardize the

community’s economic longevity,

as small businesses are less likely

to hire local residents and pros-

per amid a mountain of trash.

As part of the review process,

the DEQ held a public informa-

tion meeting in Cumberland

County in March to provide resi-

dents and community leaders a

chance to voice their opinions

about this mega-landfill. We

joined the local leadership and

local advocates — including the

Agee Miller Mayo Dungy

(AMMD) Pine Grove Project —

and attended the meeting to ex-

press our concerns about the

disproportionate effects this pro-

posed project could have on the

livelihoods of vulnerable commu-

nities in the area. These effects

include causing the pollution of

private water wells, worsening

air quality and increasing acci-

dents from increased oversize

traffic, among other health-relat-

ed consequences. The mega-

landfill also poses a direct threat

to the legacy and history of the

community’s beloved Pine Grove

Elementary school, a Rosenwald

school. In other words, the resi-

dents of Cumberland County are

worried whether this project up-

holds environmental justice, a

concept that is enshrined as law

of the commonwealth.

The Virginia Environmental

Justice Act of 2020 defines “envi-

ronmental justice” as “the fair

treatment and meaningful in-

volvement of every person, re-

gardless of race, color, national

origin, income, faith, or disabili-

ty, regarding the development,

implementation, or enforcement

of any environmental law, regula-

tion, or policy.” It also defines

“fair treatment” as “the equitable

consideration of all people

whereby no group of people bears

a disproportionate share of any

negative environmental conse-

quence resulting from an indus-

trial, governmental, or commer-

cial operation, program, or

p olicy.”

It would be safe to say that the

mega-landfill proposal and its

potential local impacts do not

respect the concepts of environ-

mental justice or fair treatment

as codified in our state’s statutes.

If the Virginia Environmental

Justice Act were to apply any-

where in Virginia, it would be

Cumberland County, whose resi-

dents face disproportionate dan-

gers from such a polluting

p roject.

The Flint water crisis took

hold in a predominantly low-

income community and is a stark

example of environmental injus-

tice. As many will remember, in

2014, Flint residents started com-

plaining of foul-smelling, murky

tap water. A study found the

community’s water had lead lev-

els registering above the federal

“action level” of 15 parts per

billion (ppb). This is a level where

the government is required to

take action to correct the prob-

lem, at this point deemed “very

serious.” Instead, it took Flint

residents taking to the courts to

finally receive the justice they

deserved.

Similarly, Cumberland County,

features one of the highest per-

centages of underserved commu-

nities in Virginia. The Census

Bureau found the proportion of

people living below the poverty

line in Cumberland County, a

historically impoverished and ru-

ral area, is more than 5.5 percent

higher than the national average.

One of the community’s gravest

concerns is preserving the clean-

liness of its private water wells.

With a mega-landfill just hun-

dreds of feet away, there would be

varying levels of contamination

to the community’s primary

source of water. Residential and

commercial water sources could

be affected. The county must

stand up for residents’ access to

clean water.

The Virginia chapter of the

Frederick Douglass Foundation

is proudly partnering with

AMMD and others to push back

on the injustice happening in

Cumberland County. Our elected

officials must consider environ-

mental justice as a key criterion

when evaluating the Green Ridge

mega-landfill during its technical

review process. At the public

meeting in March, DEQ officials

stated that the technical review

for the proposal will focus on

“hydrogeology and geology of the

site, seismic impact zones, VDOT

adequacy, impacts to parks and

recreation” and other environ-

mental factors of the mega-

landfill.

However, there was not

enough emphasis on the human

impact of the proposal and

whether this project aligns with

the definitions of “fair treatment”

and “environmental justice” in

the Virginia Environmental Jus-

tice Act. The technical review

should not be a purely scientific

process; it must recognize that

there are lives of real people and

communities at stake.

The Virginia Environmental

Justice Act of 2020 offers the

DEQ and the Youngkin adminis-

tration a unique tool to protect

one of the most vulnerable com-

munities in Virginia. As empha-

sized in the law, fair treatment

does not stop at public engage-

ment. In the context of environ-

mental justice, fair treatment

must involve real policy deci-

sions that expel harmful projects

when needed. Virginia should

not allow another Flint water

crisis to occur. The residents of

Cumberland County deserve

b etter.

Robert “J.R.” Gurley is president of

the Virginia chapter of the Frederick

Douglass Foundation. Chuck Smith is

a lawyer and former Marine from

North Carolina.

Virginia’s Cumberland County shouldn’t be the next Flint, Mich.

BY WYN DOBBS

W

hen Pierre L’Enfant envisioned the nation’s

capital, he wanted to create a physical

reflection of the new country’s ideals. He

modeled D.C. partly on his European home-

land, where many of the most impressive structures,

such as Versailles, were reserved for royalty. D.C.’s

grand avenues and open spaces, however, were intend-

ed to be enjoyed by everyone.

L’Enfant’s vision for accessible public spaces was

only partially realized. More than a century later, this

vision was undermined by the United States’

c ar-centric transportation system, which exists at the

expense of other forms of transit. Cycling is particularly

affected because in most places, bicyclists share the

road with cars. Unlike with many U.S. cities, the density

of D.C. makes cycling a feasible commuting option.

However, less than 5 percent of D.C. residents bike to

work.

I used to wonder why so few people cycle in D.C.

Biking has been my preferred form of transit since I

moved to the area nearly eight years ago. As a medical

student, I have cycled up to 60 miles a week through

busy streets to get to clinics across town. From saving

money on gas and parking to integrating exercise into

my commute, the decision to bike to work was an easy

choice for me; that is until I realized the risks of biking

on the road.

In the fall of 2021, I was biking on H Street NE when

my tire got caught in the streetcar rails, and I was

launched into moving traffic. Luckily, I ended up with

only a few scratches, but this experience was the

impetus I needed to take a harder look at general

cycling safety across the city.

Someone had been killed because of that same

H Street defect a few years ago, and another cyclist died

on the route I take to work. I learned one of the reasons

people are nearly 10 times more likely to drive than bike

in Washington: It’s safer to use a car.

Biking here is dangerous, but it doesn’t have to be. As

a medical student and recent master’s of public health

graduate, I’ve learned the importance of designing

systems to promote better health, and D.C.’s cycling

system could use a lot of improvement.

The best way for D.C. to protect its cyclists is to give

them the dedicated space they need to commute safely.

The city needs protected bike lanes, which provide

physical separation between bikes and cars. Protected

bike lanes have been proved to reduce fatalities in cities

across the country, and their very presence would

promote cycling, a purported goal of the D.C. city

government. However, there are sparingly few protect-

ed bike lanes in the District. Of the 1,100 miles of public

streets in D.C., only 24 miles are protected bike lanes.

D.C. has the finances to make the necessary invest-

ments in safe cycling infrastructure. The city recently

reported a $576 million revenue surplus from fiscal

2021. It just doesn’t have the will.
      Transit advocates need key allies who have been
      essential in all other health-related issues: physicians.
      Physicians are vital stakeholders who help spotlight
      issues from gun violence to the opioid crisis. For D.C. to
      return to its equitable ideals set out by L’Enfant,
      physicians will need to add their voices.
      Physicians have long served as advocates for impor-
      tant public health issues. In the ongoing coronavirus
      pandemic, doctors play a vital role in advocating for
      effective ways to control the spread of the virus and
      combating misinformation surrounding the disease
      and its treatment options. Coordinated campaigns
      from physicians also laid the foundation for Food and
      Drug Administration regulation of flavored
      e -cigarettes, which posed a particular danger to youths.
      A similar campaign could be envisioned in which
      doctors lobby the D.C. Council for more protected bike
      lanes to make the city safer. Even using social media to
      highlight the importance of driver awareness and
      bicyclist safety would make an impact.
      D.C. has taken steps to support equitable transporta-
      tion, but more is needed to reach the goal of zero deaths
      on the roadways. With the help of physicians across the
      city, this overlooked public health issue could be ad-
      dressed, providing health benefits to all D.C. r esidents.
      Safer streets for bicyclists will translate into cleaner
      air, less roadway congestion and reduced traffic noise
      for everyone. Perhaps D.C. can take another look at its
      European roots and do more to mirror the cities of
      Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Barcelona and Paris, where
      the streets have been redesigned to make bicycling a
      safe and easy alternative to the car.

The writer is a medical student at George Washington

University.

Doctors can make

bicycling safer for

everyone in D.C.

BY BARBARA A. FAVOLA

I

n 2021, there were approximately

5,000 children in foster care

across Virginia. Many of these

children were in loving foster

homes and learning to conquer the

challenges of growing up. But it is

worth noting that a striking 17 per-

cent of these youths left the system

without the advantage of a perma-

nent relationship. In fact, Virginia is

one of the three worst states in the

country for children aging out of the

foster care system without a perma-

nent connection.

This can and must change.

One pathway for change is identify-

ing and funding more opportunities

to place youths with relatives or

fictive kin — people with whom they

have social, not familial, ties. This

practice is referred to as kinship care.

It enables a youth to transition from

his or her home to a place of familiari-

ty and connection, thereby reducing

some of the trauma associated with

out-of-home placements. In 2022,

only about 10 percent of Virginia

children entered kinship care, but the

national average was more than

30 percent.

Experts tell us that permanent

supportive relationships are key to an

individual’s success. Research shows

that kinship care improves the stabil-

ity of a child’s foster placement and

can reduce the behavioral challenges

that a child often faces. It can also be

critical to preserving familial and

cultural connections, which are espe-

cially important for families from

racial and ethnic minority groups.

Foster youths who are denied the

safety net of a permanent connection

are left to navigate the trials and

tribulations of life on their own. The

results of this reality are alarming

and hurtful. Foster youths leaving the

system are vulnerable to homeless-

ness, substance abuse addictions,

trafficking and unwanted pregnan-

cies. Although Virginia has taken

steps to support young adults be-

tween the ages of 18 and 21 who

exit the foster care system, these

young people need a relationship

with a caring adult who can always be

there for them to fully succeed in life.

The federal Families First program

provides states with money to imple-

ment strategies that support strug-

gling families so children can remain

in their homes. This is an important

goal and one that Virginia is embrac-

ing. Yet the key prevention strategy

that must be funded at the federal

level is providing financial help to

families that are raising their relative

children. Right now, a child has to

enter the foster care system first and

then be placed with a relative before

that relative family is eligible to

receive federal foster care payments. I

contend that this scenario causes

unnecessary trauma for the child and,

in some respects, discourages relative

families from coming forward since

the child’s immediate health and

safety needs are being addressed.

If the children placed with rela-

tives would otherwise be placed in

the foster care system, there would

not be an increase in the state’s

demand for federal dollars. And more

important, these dollars would be

used to support an option that we

know provides better outcomes for

our children.

Because of the inability to quickly

move the federal welfare system,

Virginia has allocated some state

dollars to support relative families

caring for youths who would other-

wise likely enter the foster care sys-

tem, but the state support is very

paltry and these families are strug-

gling financially.

In the most recent General Assem-

bly session, I offered legislation that

provided state-funded increases in

direct support to relative families and

case management services for these

families. But the proposal was re-

ferred to the House Appropriations

Committee and laid on the table. In

the veto session, we saw many in-

stances where Gov. Glenn Youngkin

(R) disagreed with his Republican

colleagues in the House. I am hoping

this is one such issue and he will

decide to lead on the issue of support-

ing relative families.

The writer, a Democrat, represents

Arlington in the Virginia state Senate.

Virginia can provide more hope for foster children

BY ADAM ZIMMERMAN

M

ontgomery County Public

Schools (MCPS) recently

updated its policy regard-

ing student meal debt.

Among other changes, students quali-

fying for free or reduced-price meals

will not be required to repay debt.

MCPS’s superintendent can pursue

private donations to reduce the

amount families owe. And a proposal

requiring students in debt to receive

an alternate meal — which invites

stigma and abuse — was shelved.

The new plan is an improvement.

But the fact that it is needed at all is an

abomination. If all students received

school meals at no charge, school

meal debt would not exist. Indeed,

federal waivers have permitted

schools nationwide to do just that

over the past two years. But though we

have known for months that the fed-

eral government would not extend

those waivers past their June 30 expi-

ration date, state and local officials in

Maryland have not done enough to

mitigate the inevitable consequences

to children’s health and learning. Re-

gardless of family income, no child

should ever have to pay for school

meals.

The severe job loss, loss of wages

and school closures that marked the

initial months of the coronavirus pan-

demic sparked a surge of food insecu-

rity nationwide. To their credit, Con-

gress and the Agriculture Depart-

ment have stepped up. Since 2020,

every child has been eligible for

school meals at no charge, and schools

have received higher reimbursement

rates. The waivers kept a bad situation

from becoming far worse.

Allowing the waivers to expire

now is terrible timing; participation

rates in school meal programs are

still down considerably from pre-

pandemic totals, and school food-

-service departments are still con-

tending with major financial disrup-

tions, staff shortages and supply-

chain issues. But ending school meals

for all would be bad at any time, given

the significant long-term benefits

they provide, including lower rates of

food insecurity, improved diets, better

school performance and more money

for schools.

California and Maine have passed

legislation to continue providing

school meals at no charge after the

federal waivers expire. With nearly

200,000 children in Maryland, in-

cluding 60,000 in Montgomery Coun-

ty, experiencing food insecurity, it is

unconscionable that we have not fol-

lowed suit. Legislation to this effect

introduced in the General Assembly

went nowhere. Our state lawmakers

managed to find $1.2 billion to fi-

nance upgrades to Camden Yards and

M&T Bank Stadium in Baltimore but

were unwilling to commit the $27 mil-

lion investment necessary for every

child in our state to receive school

lunch at no charge next year. For

shame.

State lawmakers must right that

wrong, but local officials must act as

well. If localities do not have the funds

to fully cover the cost of all school

meals — and they should look in every

crevice and under every rock to find

those dollars — there are still several

steps that are well within their reach,

including:

Covering the cost of unpaid school

meal debt. According to the MCPS

Education Foundation, one-third of

schools in Montgomery County ac-

crue at least $2,500 in school meal

debt in a given year, with some schools

averaging more than $10,000. Stu-

dents should not be forced to hope

that wealthy benefactors or philan-

thropists can come to their rescue.

Public dollars should cover the cost of

public school meal debt.

Participating in the Community

Eligibility Provision. Under CEP,

schools or districts with more than

40 percent of children in families

from low incomes may serve meals to

all students at no charge. More than

171,000 Maryland students attended

schools participating in Community

Eligibility during the 2020 -2021

school year, but fewer than 75 percent

of eligible districts in Maryland have

adopted CEP. Every eligible school

district should make participation a

priority.

Making it easier for families to

apply for free school meals. The

USDA released income eligibility

guidelines for free and reduced-price

meals for the 2022-2023 school year in

February, but they are inexplicably

not featured on MCPS’s food and nu-

trition service website. Paper applica-

tions for free and reduced-price

meals, typically sent home after the

school year has begun, should be

distributed over the summer, instead.

Districts should provide free assis-

tance to help families fill them out by

hand or electronically.

Imagine forcing a child to pay an

extra fee to walk through the school-

house door. Making any child or fam-

ily pay for school meals — when that

meal is as important to their health,

education and well-being as anything

they learn in the classroom — is a

similarly absurd notion. School meals

for all were a long time coming. Now

that they is here, and we have seen the

impact in Maryland and beyond, we

should not let them go.

The writer is a communications consultant

who lives in Rockville.

Healthy meals for every Maryland child

CALLA KESSLER/THE WASHINGTON POST

A school lunch at Oxon Hill High School in Oxon Hill in 2018.

Local Opinions

WASHINGTONPOST.COM/LOCALOPINIONS. [email protected]