Ramjanmabhumi: Hinduizing Politics and Militarizing Hindudom 137Raipur from July 18 to 20. After more than 11 years of its constitution,
the Liberhan Commission completed all oral arguments and evidence on
June 30, 2004. Although set up in December 1992, the commission started
its effective sittings from January 1993 and was in abeyance for about two
years because of certain interim orders passed by the Delhi High Court.
The commission started regular hearing from 1995, first in Lucknow and
later in Delhi.
Of the three possible routes to an amicable solution to the Babri Masjid-
Ramjanmabhumi issue, namely talks, courts, and legislation, the Hindutva
forces have always been unreasonable in talks, averse to courts, and unable
to pass legislation, but quite adroit in using violence—in words, actions,
thoughts, and emotions. Given the enormous intricacies and complexities
involved in the conflict, the talks have all along proved to be tough and are
not poised for any sudden breakthrough now. The court verdict could take
a lot more time, and the lack of any concrete evidence from the excavations
is not going to be particularly helpful for the Hindutva side. Similarly, the
legislation option is sealed, with the BJP decimated and a hopelessly weak
opposition party with no ally of any significant strength in Parliament.
This leaves only the violence option wide open for the Hindutva forces. As
the Bajrang Dal commemorated the mosque-demolition day (December 6)
as Shourya Diwas (Gallantry Day) in 2000, we can expect a lot more "gal-
lantry" in the future.
THE DEMOLITION POLITICS
Despite the Sangh Parivar's notoriety and impropriety, it is only fair
not to put the entire blame for communalism squarely on their shoul-
ders. Without any awareness of the wider ramifications of their conduct,
much of the Muslim community has all along rejected their Hindu past,
hounded dissidents, refused women their rightful place, dwelled on nar-
row interpretations of the Islamic faith, and failed to condemn atrocities on
minorities in Islamic countries.^91 In the political arena, however, as Sudhir
Chandra argues, "if communalisation of politics is taken as a critical vari-
able, very little would seem to divide most Indian political parties from
the BJP." Even the United Left Front in West Bengal is concerned about
the communalization of its rank and file, and possibly the intermediate
leadership. With a high fluidity marking political alignments, one cannot
worry only about the position of the BJP in the Indian political system.^92
The moral bankruptcy of the Congress party is particularly a case in
point. At the first meeting of the National Integration Council, the then
vice president, Zakir Hussain, raised an issue in the presence of the prime
minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Wondering why the veteran Congress leader,
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, was fielded as a candidate from a constitu-
ency with substantial Muslim population, he asserted that it would have