182 Conclusionswith which we might have to learn to coexist." See Mark Juergensmeyer, "Can We
Live with Religious Nationalism?" Peace Review 7, no. 1 (1995), pp. 17-22.
- Louis Dumont, Religion/Politics and History in India: Collected Papers in Indian
Sociology (Paris and The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1970), pp. 90-91. - Abhas Chatterjee, The Concept of Hindu Nation (New Delhi: Voice of India,
1995), pp. 44-45. - Aijaz Ahmad, "Nation, Community, Violence," South Asia Bulletin 14, no. 1
(1994), p. 25. - "The available information is quite adequate to support the categorical
statement that there was no temple, either of stone or of brick or of both materi-
als, lying below the mosque at the site during the three centuries (the thirteenth
to the fifteenth) which preceded the construction of the mosque." See D. Mandal,
Ayodhya: Archaeology after Demolition: A Critique of the "New" and "Fresh" Discoveries
(New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1993), p. 65. - Pandey, "The New Hindu History," pp. 97-99.
- Secularism is interpreted by the Sangh Parivar as a policy of appeasement
toward religious minorities, especially Muslims. There is no dearth of Hindutva
material on this and other aspects of secularism. For example, see Anand Pan-
dya, Hypocrisy of Secularism (Injustice to Hindus) (Karnavati, India: Vishva Hindu
Parishad, 1990); R.S. Narayanaswami, Discrimination against Hindus in Constitu-
tion and Law (Madras, India: Vishwa Hindu Parishad, 1991); Arun Shourie, A Secu-
lar Agenda: For Saving Our Country, for Welding It (New Delhi: ASA Publications,
1993); N.S. Rajaram, Secularism: The Nezo Mask of Fundamentalism, Religious Subver-
sion of Secular Affairs (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1995). However, the Muslim side
of the story is quite different. For example, in the national parliament, with 544
seats, there are only 19 Muslim members, and a proportional representation of
the Muslim population (almost 12 percent of India) would have as many as 100
of them. The Muslim presence in the central government services amounts only
to 2.2 percent of the total employees, and in the army they are not even 1 percent
of the armed forces. They are also under rep resented in state legislatures, public-
sector companies, private-sector industry, and trade. See Abdus Samad, "Coming
Together," in Ayodhya and the Future India, ed. Jitendra Bajaj (Madras, India: Centre
for Policy Studies, 1993), p. 113. - Partha Chatterjee, "Religious Minorities and the Secular State: Reflections
on an Indian Impasse," Public Culture 8 (1995), pp. 11-27. - Ibid., pp. 35-36.
- On the Religion Bill, see Anil Nauriya, "Politics of Religious Hate: Beyond
the Bills," Economic and Political Weekly 28, no. 37 (11 September 1993); and Nitin
G. Raut, "The Religion Bill: A Political Gimmick," Freedom First, no. 420 (January-
March 1994). - Chatterjee, "Religious Minorities," pp. 36-38.
- Quoted in Antony Chirappanath, "Religions in National Integration: A
Gandhian Perspective," in Role of Religions in National Integration, ed. Thomas
Manickam (Bangalore: Dharmaram Publications, 1984), pp. 84-85. - Ibid., p. 93.
- J. F. T. Jordens, "Gandhi and Religious Pluralism," in Modern Indian Responses
to Religious Pluralism, ed. Harold G. Coward (New York: State University of New
York Press, 1987), pp. 7-11.