46 "Presenting" the Past
If a comprehensive survey of the globe were to be made, it would be found that
in almost every quarter of it there were settlements of European men, or traces of
the operation of the European mind. The surviving aboriginal peoples in the west-
ern hemisphere are a small, unimportant, and dwindling element in the popula-
tion. ... To the conquest of nature through knowledge the contributions made by
Asiatics have been negligible and by Africans (Egyptians excluded) non-existent.
It is clear who Fisher writes for, and how his generalizations relate to the
"predetermined pattern" spanning the last 2,500 years.^1 Charles Tilly
underscores the connection between history and folk history:
History as an organized discipline shares a number of traits with folk history, the
ways that ordinary people reconstruct the past. In the West, for the most part,
people take history as a set of stories about individuals who act for well-defined
motives with clear consequences.... Folk history rarely concerns superhuman
forces, complex social processes, or ordinary people—except as objects or distant
causes of history, or at the point of contact between the teller's own life and certifi-
ably great events or persons. History written by specialists gains popular appeal
to the extent that it conforms to these standards.^2
Thus history, like politics, becomes everybody's business, and every-
one—elders, ordinary people, politicians, officials, intellectuals, journal-
ists—becomes a historian. When contemporary politics is conducted with
reference to past events, "explanation and understanding" becomes vital.^3
With the advent of electoral politics in the twentieth century, public fig-
ures in India have found it necessary to invoke the past. The politicians
talk to the masses about their past to rally voters, emphasize rivalries and
enmities, and make use of the past to divide/unite and gain. As discussed
before, both Moore and Jeffrey shed fresh light on this politicians-masses
interaction in their respective studies of Sri Lanka and Punjab, and lay
a convincing claim that popular myth plays a significant role in history
writing. Both popular and rhetorical histories interact very closely at this
plane of myth.
A myth is, as Hampden-Turner puts it, "not something which is untrue
but a shared cultural context for communication." It is a way of "teach-
ing unobservable realities by way of observable symbols." Since a myth
is orally transmitted, there will be gaps and distortions; however, a par-
ticular "musical score" conveys the structure despite the missing parts.
Claude Levi-Strauss holds that myths may vary in details while sharing
a common structure or pattern that is identical with the pattern of mind.
According to him, "What man says, language says and what language
says is said by society."^4
For Hans-Georg Gadamer, myth is a process of a "thinking conscious-
ness." A myth encompasses fundamental issues of human existence and
therefore has the capacity to generate new interpretations. Both Levi-