The Washington Post - USA (2022-06-12)

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merica’s gun culture, with its Sec-
ond Amendment extremism, is kill-
ing our children. It also threatens
an essential precondition for de-
mocracy: its public space. The forti-
fication of the public realm, which accelerated
after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, is
likely to speed up once again as designers
respond to citizens’ fear of mass shootings.
Gun violence is reaching ever deeper into
zones traditionally deemed safe — public
schools, hospitals, houses of worship and
entertainment venues — and so architects may
be forced to undo or subvert values that have
governed the profession over the past century.
Ideals of openness, flow, transparency and
access will no longer be sustainable. Every-
thing must be “hardened.”
The word and its variants became a mantra
after the shooting in Uvalde, Tex., as politi-
cians dedicated to a no-limits gun culture
struggled to define a response to the May 24
mass murder of schoolchildren and their
teachers. “Schools should be the single hardest

target in our country,” said former president
Donald Trump at the annual National Rifle
Association convention, held only days after
the Uvalde massacre. He was repeating and
amplifying the response of other politicians
who champion the Second Amendment above
all other civic virtues: that schools fortify their
entrances even to the point, as Sen. Ted Cruz
(R-Tex.) advocated, of single-entry buildings.
“We also know that there are best practices at
federal buildings and courthouses, where for
security reasons they limit the means of entry
to one entrance,” said Cruz. “Schools, likewise,
should have a single point of entry. Fire exits
should only open out. At that single point of
entry, we should have multiple armed police
officers. Or if need be, military veterans
trained to provide security and keep our
children safe.”
It’s not hard to imagine what this will look
like, and how it will be extended from schools
to hospitals, shopping centers and places of
worship. Access to routine medical appoint-
ments will require the sick, frail and elderly to

wait in line to pass through magnetometers
and single-entry portals bristling with armed
guards. Plan to arrive at your church, syna-
gogue or mosque extra early, to get through
armored checkpoints. And perhaps this will be
the death knell for retail shopping. Why queue
for 20 minutes to enter a department store
when you can just order online?
The rapid embrace of the “hardening”
rhetoric shows how quickly we are rethinking
the basic aesthetics of our built environment.
In November 2001, only weeks after the
terrorist attacks in New York, Pennsylvania
and Washington, former senator Daniel Pat-
rick Moynihan of New York echoed the Peri-
clean ideal of democracy when he said: “Archi-
tecture is inescapably a political art, and it
reports faithfully for ages to come what the
political values of a particular era were. Surely,
ours must be openness and fearlessness in the
face of those who hide in the darkness.”
Today, to maintain the primacy of the
constitutional right to bear arms, some politi-
SEE ARCHITECTURE ON B2

KLMNO


Outlook


SUNDAY, JUNE 12 , 2022. WASHINGTONPOST.COM/OUTLOOK. SECTION B EZ BD


INSIDE BOOK WORLD
How racism undermines
Black health. B5

Gay Washington, through
a straight lens. B6

INSIDE OUTLOOK


JESS SUTTNER FOR THE WASHINGTON POST


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ach new mass shooting makes gun-
control activists more passionate
and more determined, but they
grow understandably frustrated when
their efforts don’t translate into policy
reform. Their movement can learn some-
thing — and take encouragement — from
an unlikely source: the antiabortion
movement, which is now scoring major
victories after a very long struggle.
Nearly 50 years ago, when Roe v. Wade
was decided, antiabortion activists faced
a political landscape at least as hostile to
their aims as the one now confronting the
gun-control movement. A 7-to-2 Supreme
Court decision immediately changed laws
across the country, explicitly blocking the
prohibition of abortion. Although reli-
gious activists mourned the decision, or-
ganized opposition was initially limited.
Building from a base in the Catholic
Church and the National Right to Life
Committee, which had fought the relax-
ing of state abortion laws since 1968, the
movement formed a committed and resil-
ient infrastructure, allowing for sustained
activism and strategic and tactical inno-
vation.
For decades, the movement lost far
more than it won on its long and compli-
cated path toward political influence.
Some of its lessons are counterintuitive.
Public support, for example, is an asset,
but it’s not all that matters. The antiabor-
tion movement never enjoyed majority
backing in polls, yet it has won policy
victories even while losing public support.
The first lesson, then, is don’t depend
on public opinion. Majorities are often
ignored or defeated; intensely dedicated
activists and voters can win out if majori-
ties don’t have as strong a commitment.
Ending abortion became the most critical
issue for nearly a third of potential voters
who identified as “pro-life,” according to a
Gallup survey. Far fewer abortion rights
supporters, though, made the issue their
top priority.
Gun-control activists can draw on a
broader base of public support, but it’s
more important to get people to act on
SEE GUNS ON B3

Gun-control

activists can

learn from Roe

opponents

Partial victories and diverse
tactics are critical, says
sociologist David S. Meyer

American fortress

‘Hardening’ the built environment in the name of safety is antithetical
to the democratic ideal of public space, writes The Post’s Philip Kennicott

case — “give me your tired, your poor,
your huddled masses” — and an eco-
nomic one, arguing that immigrants have
the potential to fuel the economy.
The reality is that immigration debates
are often driven more by feelings than
facts. And there is often disagreement
about basic facts — such as how immigra-
tion has evolved over time, how success-
ful immigrants become once they enter
the United States and how they affect the
communities they enter. The problem is,
in part, a lack of accessible empirical
evidence on the topic.
Enter “Streets of Gold: America’s Un-
told Story of Immigrant Success,” a book
by economic historians Ran Abramitzky
and Leah Boustan that seeks to set the
record straight, using an economics tool
kit and a treasure trove of data. Their
mission is twofold. First, to offer a data-
SEE IMMIGRATION ON B4

tives about immigration. In 2016, Presi-
dent Barack Obama voiced his view that
“America is stronger because of immi-
grants, America is great because of immi-
grants.” Announcing his presidential bid,
Donald Trump offered a bleaker perspec-
tive, arguing that immigrants from Mexi-
co “have lots of problems, and they’re
bringing those problems.... T hey’re
bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime.”
Advocates of further restrictions on
entry into the United States often cite
concerns that immigrants might take
jobs that would otherwise go to other
Americans, strain public resources and
create a permanent underclass of unas-
similated families who never catch up.
This has led to a particular focus on
restricting entry by poorer immigrants
and those from what Trump infamously
referred to as “s---hole countries.” Propo-
nents of immigration make both a moral

Book review by
Michael Luca

R


oughly 1.8 million people have been
turned away at the U.S.-Mexico
border since March 2020, when the
Trump administration invoked Title 42 —
a public health order that allows Border
Patrol agents to deny migrants entry to
inhibit the spread of the coronavirus.
Under the policy, agents can quickly expel
the migrants without allowing them to
seek asylum. The Biden administration’s
intention to lift this restriction has set off
renewed debate about the value of immi-
gration and derailed plans for broader
immigration reform.
This is just the latest episode in a
raging battle marked by divergent narra-

What the data really says about immigration

Do red-flag laws violate
due process? B3

The Jan. 6 hearings
should look ahead. B2
Free download pdf