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n November 1861, word swept
through London that an American
warship, James Adger,in port at
Southampton, was planning to put
to sea and intercept a British ship
bringing Confederate emissaries to
Europe. As a result, the American minister
to Great Britain found himself summoned
to see the British prime minister at his res-
idence at 94 Piccadilly. Charles Francis
Adams made his way through the yellow
gloom of a London fog and found Lord
Palmerston waiting for him in the library.
Palmerston immediately complained to
Adams that Adger’s captain and crew,
while “enjoying the hospitality of this
country, filling his ship with coals and
other supplies, and filling his own stom-
ach with brandy should, within sight of the
shore, commit an act which would be felt
as offensive to the national flag.”
Earlier in the year, President Abraham
Lincoln had proclaimed a blockade of
Southern ports, after which Great Britain
and France commenced a policy of neu-
trality that carried with it the rights of bel-
ligerent action by the Confederacy. It was
the only important concession made to the
Confederate states by European powers
during the war. The Confederate commis-
sioners in Britain at that time were a poor
lot, while the United States foreign minis-
ter, Adams, the son of former President
John Quincy Adams, was a skilled diplo-
mat who had been urged by Secretary of
State William H. Seward to be bold in
asserting American rights.
Confederate diplomacy in Europe was
more complacent, based on a belief in the
economic power of “King Cotton” upon
which British and French mills were
dependent. Confederate President Jeffer-
son Davis subscribed to this view. Prior to
the war, England and Europe had
imported nearly 85 percent of their cotton
from the South. Nearly one-fifth of the
British population earned its livelihood
from the cotton industry, while one-tenth
of Britain’s capital was invested in cotton
as well. However, there was no official
Confederate policy to produce a phony
cotton famine in Europe or rush cotton

abroad to fill the coffers of the South. It
would be a short war, in Davis’s view. If it
lasted longer, a concomitant cotton famine
would inevitably bring Great Britain into
the war to safeguard her economic inter-
ests and rescue the South.
William L. Yancey had resigned as Con-
federate envoy to Britain. In his place,
Davis assigned a pair of trusted political
cronies to represent Southern interests in

London and Paris. James M. Mason,
Yancey’s replacement, was a strange choice
in the view of well-connected political wife
Mary Boykin Chesnut, who wrote in her
diary: “My wildest imagination will not
picture Mr. Mason as a diplomat. He will
say ‘chaw’ for ‘chew’ and he will call him-
self ‘Jeems’ and he will wear a dress coat
to breakfast. Over here whatever a Mason
does is right. He is above the law.” His

Diplomatic


BY MARK SIMMONS


CWQ-EW16 Trent Affair_Layout 1 10/22/15 1:18 PM Page 30

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