168 Popes and Jews, 1095–1291
ritual murder even though the scholar in question does not seem to have been a
child and ritual murder accusations typically involved children.20
of course, concern about the influence of Jews in towns and cities was not con-
fined to France. In 1219 the bishop of Worcester issued decrees forbidding them
to take church books, vestments, or ornaments as pledges, vetoed the safekeeping
of Jewish valuables in churches, forbade Christian servants from sleeping in the
homes of their Jewish employers, and repeated the stipulation of Canon 26 of
lateran III prohibiting Jews employing Christian wet nurses, which, as we shall
see, was of particular concern to popes.21
Just as Innocent complained about Jews employing Christian wet nurses, so his
successor Honorius III complained about Muslims who kept Christian slaves:22
For it is a crime that those who were reborn in the baptismal font should associate in
the rites and conversion of infidels, or that the Christian religion should be polluted
by being subject to infidels, or that a blasphemer should retain in servitude one
redeemed by the blood of the lord Christ.23Popes were particularly concerned to inhibit sociable relations between Christians
and Jews.24 They were worried that through close contact between Jews, Christians,
and also Muslims, there would be an increased chance of sexual relations, even of
inter-religious marriage. Apart from the fact that such relationships were deemed
theologically unacceptable in a correctly ordered Christian society, there was the
further fear that Christians might be tempted to convert to Judaism. Hence Honorius
III’s successors, Gregory IX and Innocent Iv, pronounced similar complaints
about Jews—and Muslims—employing Christian nurses, servants, and even slaves
in Hungary, Germany, Spain, and France.25
This concern continued throughout the thirteenth century. Honorius Iv was
alarmed that Jews in England were reportedly being allowed to employ Christians
as domestics, governesses, and nurses, and that this—it was said—was encouraging
inappropriate sexual contact between the two faiths.26 As we shall explore further
1984), p.23; Christendom and its Discontents, ed. Waugh, Diehl, p.221; robert Chazan, God,
Humanity and History: the Hebrew First Crusade Narratives (Berkeley, 2000), p.2.
20 Grayzel, Vol. 1, p.108, footnote 8.
21 Antisemitism Through the Ages, ed. S. Almog, trans. n. H. reisner (oxford, new York, 1988),
p.112.
22 Honorius III, ‘Intellectum jamdudum’ (23 August 1225), Grayzel, Vol. 1, pp.170–2; Simonsohn,
pp.120–1.
23 Honorius III, ‘Intellectum jamdudum’, Grayzel, Vol. 1, p.172; Simonsohn, pp.120–1: ‘nephas
est enim, ut sacri baptismatis unda renatus, infidelium ritu vel conversatione foedetur, aut religio
Christiana subjecta infidelibus polluatur, seu blasphemus ipsius redemptum sanguine Christi Domini,
obnoxium detineat servituti.’
24 Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews. History, pp.133–4.
25 Gregory IX, ‘Cum illius vices’ (3 March 1231), Grayzel, Vol. 1, pp.184–6; Simonsohn, pp.130–2;
‘Sufficere debuerat perfidie’ (5/4 March 1233), Grayzel, Vol. 1, pp.198–200; Simonsohn, pp.141–3;
‘Judei quos propria’ (18 March 1233), Grayzel, Vol. 1, pp.204–6; Simonsohn, pp.145–7; ‘Quanto
personam tuam’ (12 August 1233), Grayzel, Vol. 1, pp.206–10; Simonsohn, pp.147–9; ‘nulli Judeo
baptizatum’ (1227–1234), Grayzel, Vol. 1, p.216; Simonsohn, p.125; Innocent Iv, ‘Impia Judeorum
perfidia’ (9 May 1244), Grayzel, Vol. 1, pp.250–2; Simonsohn, pp.180–2.
26 Honorius Iv, ‘nimis in partibus’ (30/18 november 1286), Grayzel, Vol. 2, pp.157–62; Simonsohn,
pp.262–4.