notes to pages 44–49 173
invidious comparison. It is easy to see why a frog might choose to live in a pond
populated by smaller frogs. What is less apparent, though, is why frogs already in
that pond would permit the larger frog to enter their circle and make them feel
even smaller (Frank 1985 a, chap. 1 ).
- Lipset ( 1955 ) and Hofstadter ( 1955 ) similarly differentiate between class
conflict and status conflict. They argue that in American politics, class conflicts be-
come more salient at times of economic difficulty, whereas status distinctions play
a more important role at times of economic prosperity. Their distinction between
class and status follows the Weberian lead of distinguishing between production /
income and consumption / lifestyle classifications (see Gusfield 1986 , 17 ). Alterna-
tively, Burke ( 2005 , 63 ) differentiates between a class model and an orders model
of society. A class model implies a conflictual view of society, whereas an orders
model focuses on differences in lifestyle and allows for more harmonious relations
across social cleavages. - In an early study of social class, Chapin ( 1928 ) followed Veblen’s lead and
devised a measurement of a class based on inventory of items found in a family’s liv-
ing room. Later studies confirm Chapin’s findings and offer further elaboration on
the connection between taste, consumption patterns, and class (see Dittmar 1992 ,
96 ; Laumann and House 1970 ; Bourdieu 1984 ; Baudrillard 2006 ; Fussal 1983 ). - For a critique, see Schroeder 1994 , 124 , 127.
- A signal that can maximize the fraction of the group that can observe and
understand it is a signal with high broadcast efficiency. - Bourdieu describes a similar dynamic as actors try to manipulate cultural
capital. When actors find one form of “capital” blocked, they try to adopt another
as a substitute. Those who do not have the required cultural capital to master classi-
cal music may try to compensate for it by gaining familiarity with film or jazz. These
alternatives, however, do not provide the same cachet as classical music because in
Bourdieu’s terms they are not “fully legitimate”: “These arts, not yet fully legiti-
mate,... offer a refuge and a revenge to those who, by appropriating them, secure
the best return on their cultural capital... while at the same time taking credit for
contesting the established hierarchy of legitimacies and profits” (Bourdieu 1984 ,
86 – 87 ; Trigg 2001 ). - Tajfel ( 1970 ) found similar consensus regarding international stratification
when groups of 6 – 7 - year- olds in Britain were asked to rank international actors.
Their answers showed a correlation of 0. 98 and suggested that we are aware of
such stratification from a very early age. - Archery, for example, was seen with such disdain that in 1139 Pope Inno-
cent II declared the crossbow “hateful to God and unfit for Christians” and threat-
ened any Christian who would use a crossbow with ex- communication. Later, the
ban was relaxed to allow the use of the crossbow against non- Christians (Brodie
and Brodie 1973 , 35 – 37 ). While the norms of chivalry protected warring knights,
defeated infantry and bowmen were often treated harshly. Bowmen, in particular,