The Price of Prestige

(lily) #1

status symbols and luxury goods 37


ing the stratification of the international system more easily. This process

requires at least a rudimentary level of intragroup communication and

some consensus regarding values and norms. When an index is used with

regularity as a means of establishing actors’ relative position in a hierarchy,

it becomes a status symbol (Goffman 1951 , 295 ; see also Dittmar 1992 ).

Hence, a status symbol is in fact a ritualization of specific patterns of con­

sumption and behavior into institutionalized signals that assist actors in

establishing effective comparison processes (Zahavi and Zahavi 1997 , 67 ).

In this way, the conceptualization of the term symbol in this chapter is

largely interchangeable with signal. Status symbols, therefore, facilitate in­

tragroup communication by operating as vehicles for signaling one’s posi­

tion in a given society.

The Evolution and Diffusion of Status Symbols

Status symbols are not selected randomly. Indeed, most patterns of con­

sumption cannot become recognized status symbols overnight. For a good

to be chosen as a status symbol, it needs to be understood as such by both

the signaler and the target or audience (O’Neill 1999 , 241 ). A novel signal

is ineffectual if it fails to establish the desired communication with the tar­

get. Therefore, the evolution of new signals, in this case the evolution of

new status symbols, requires coevolution of both the signaling actor and

her audience (Zahavi and Zahavi 1997 , 67 ). Hence, when trying to estab­

lish effective communication through the use of new signals, actors usually

have to rely on preexisting norms and values. By selecting signals from

an established and mutually recognized menu of indicators, the signal­

ers maximize the chance that the meaning of their signal will be properly

understood by the desired audience. Therefore, we can expect signals to

surface at first as an extension and later as an exaggeration of preexisting

patterns of consumption behavior.

Navies, for example, were not originally procured as a status symbol.

Countries built navies because of their primary utility as strategic tools

of power projection. This initial stage occurred naturally because of the

intrinsic utility of naval power. These qualities, in turn, made naval power

a widely recognized index of national power. Almost all great powers had

great navies, and any actor wishing to match those great powers had to ac­

quire similar naval capabilities. Because this strong correlation between

great­ power status and naval capabilities was well recognized, an actor
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