A10 eZ re the washington post.saturday, november 16 , 2019
BY TIM CRAIG
NEW ORLEANS — Isiah Peterson
sounds just like the sort of voter
Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards
can count on to support his re-
election bid.
Peterson is black, usually votes
for Democratic candidates and
thinks Edwards (D) has done a
relatively good job in his first
term in office. Most of all, when
Peterson thinks of Edwards’s Re-
publican opponent, Eddie Ri-
spone, he sees an image of the one
politician he really can’t stand.
“I don’t like Donald Trump at
all, and Eddie Rispone is Donald
Trump’s choice,” the 67-year-old
retired welder said.
But even with such clarity
about the Republican ticket, Pe-
terson said he’s “just not sure”
whether he will vote in Saturday’s
runoff election.
“We’ll just have to see when
that time comes up whether I will
actually go do it,” he added.
Peterson’s ambivalence about
voting highlights the major chal-
lenge facing Edwards and Demo-
cratic candidates nationally as
they seek to mobilize African
American voters to the polls.
That’s especially true here in the
Deep South, where white Trump
supporters have been pouring
into voting booths to support
GOP candidates, leaving African
Americans as one of the sole
reliably Democratic constituen-
cies.
Edwards, 53, was forced into a
runoff with Rispone, a conserva-
tive businessman who has made
his allegiance to Trump a center-
piece of his campaign, after the
governor failed to win a majority
in Louisiana’s bipartisan “jungle”
primary last month. Edwards re-
ceived about 47 percent of the
vote, which analysts partially at-
tribute to a weaker-than-expect-
ed turnout among African Ameri-
cans, who comprise about 33 per-
cent of the state’s population.
After the primary, Edwards ad-
justed his strategy to try to boost
turnout, including adding a new
campaign adviser and speaking
more directly to the black com-
munity. He stepped up his out-
reach to African American pas-
tors, said Louisiana state Sen.
Troy Carter, and began appearing
in more intimate settings with
black voters to explain his record.
“The governor has an incredi-
ble story to tell, but our fear was
we are missing our story,” said
Carter, referring to black Louisi-
anans.
But with polls continuing to
show a close race, Edwards’s cam-
paign is reviving a debate among
Democrats about whether party
leaders have been doing enough
to spark enthusiasm in the black
community.
“I think the Democratic Party
needs to face reality — you can’t
keep calling your base your base
when you are not doing anything
to entice your base, excite your
base, invigorate your base,” said
Jay H. Banks, a New Orleans city
councilman who has become
more active in trying to boost
Edwards.
Although Democrats picked up
a governorship in Kentucky last
week, the party’s hopes of win-
ning an open seat in Mississippi
were dashed when the state’s
Democratic attorney general, Jim
Hood, fell about 47,000 votes
short of defeating Republican
Ta te Reeves, the state’s lieutenant
governor. Brad Chism, a Missis-
sippi Democratic strategist who
advised Hood, said the Demo-
crat’s defeat can be partially
traced to underwhelming turn-
out among African Americans.
W hile Democrats picked up
seven governorships nationwide
last year, Stacey Abrams in Geor-
gia and Andrew Gillum in Flori-
da, both black Democrats, nar-
rowly lost their gubernatorial rac-
es. In both states, a surge in
African American turnout was
not enough to overcome recent
trends of white, rural voters
breaking sharply for GOP candi-
dates.
Edwards, the only Democratic
governor in the Deep South, is
fighting those same voting trends
in Louisiana as Trump stumps
hard to defeat him. Trump car-
ried Louisiana by about 20 points
in 2016, and the president re-
turned here on Thursday night
for his second campaign rally in
support of Rispone in the runoff
election.
“Remember Saturday. It’s a
close one, and you’re going to
have a great Republican gover-
nor,” Trump said. “If you want to
defend your values, your jobs and
your freedoms, you have to re-
place governor John Bel Edwards
with a true conservative.”
“A t the end of the day, this is
going to be a turnout election,”
said Anthony Ramirez, a Rispone
spokesman. “Louisiana voters are
tired of career politicians and
they want a conservative outsider
like President Trump to win this
state.”
There are signs that African
American voters plan to show up
for the runoff in far larger num-
bers than they did in the primary.
According to an analysis by poll-
ster John M. Couvillon, African
Americans accounted for 31 per-
cent of the votes cast during the
state’s early voting period that
ended last Saturday, an increase
of about 3 percent from their
share of the total primary elector-
ate.
Couvillon, founder of Baton
Rouge-based JMC Analytics and
Polling, said black turnout as a
percentage of the electorate in the
state is now roughly on par with
President Barack Obama’s histor-
ic elections in 2008 and 2012.
With Edwards winning a larger
share of the white vote than
Obama, especially in the New
Orleans suburbs, Couvillon said
the uptick in African American
turnout could be insurmountable
for Rispone if the trend persists
through Election Day. Still, Cou-
villon released a poll on Thursday
that showed the contest dead-
locked, with Edwards and Ri-
spone both receiving about
45 percent of the vote.
Speaking to reporters on
Wednesday, Edwards said the
early voting results show that his
efforts to more directly reach out
to African Americans appears to
be paying off.
“There is an energy, there is an
excitement, and there is a sense of
urgency that, for whatever rea-
son, didn’t exist during the pri-
mary,” Edwards said.
African American leaders say
the black community is rallying
around Edwards as they become
more aware of his record, includ-
ing his successful push to expand
Medicaid, increase teacher pay
and overhaul the state’s criminal
justice system to try to reduce
racial disparities. Activists say
Rispone, a 70-year-old million-
aire construction contractor, also
has helped to energize the black
community by mounting a cam-
paign that at times has appeared
dismissive of New Orleans, a
m ajority-black city and the state’s
largest.
Rispone frequently criticized
New Orleans during his primary
campaign, including repeated at-
tacks accusing it of being a “sanc-
tuary city,” a label that state and
city officials have rejected.
During the runoff election,
Democratic-aligned groups have
fought back with their own bare-
knuckled tactics. In one radio ad
by a group called the Black Orga-
nization for Leadership Develop-
ment, or BOLD, Banks compares
Rispone to former Ku Klux Klan
leader David Duke.
“What is the difference be-
tween David Duke, Eddie Ri-
spone and Donald Trump? The
only difference is that Rispone
will be governor if you don’t stop
him,” Banks says.
Republicans blasted the ad,
but the message resonated with
some shoppers at Palms Plaza
shopping center in the primarily
African American Gentilly neigh-
borhood of New Orleans.
“Because of the president him-
self, I think now it’s kind of like a
wake-up call and people are tak-
ing things a lot more seriously,”
said Anthonise Banks, 42, while
sitting under the hair dryer at B U
Natural Hair Studio. “When
[Trump] comes here, it makes
everyone more alert that we
could have someone like that run
our state, and we don’t n eed that.”
Anthonise Banks, a teacher,
already voted for Edwards during
early voting — which was a com-
mon response from patrons here
in Gentilly, especially women. But
others remain apathetic during
the final hours of the campaign.
Politicians “don’t give a [exple-
tive] about us. All they care about
is the green dollar,” said Doherty
Scott, 54, adding he does not plan
to vote because he’s disillusioned
by all the “millionaires and bil-
lionaires” who now run for state
and federal offices.
In last week’s election in Mis-
sissippi, Chism said Hood’s in-
ability to rally a large turnout is a
warning sign for Democrats na-
tionwide that “you can’t start
from scratch every year and ex-
pect to overperform with low-
and moderate-income voters.”
State Democratic parties need
to invest in full-time organizers
and technology to better collect
data on the interests and move-
ments of low-income voters, he
added.
“Many white, southern state-
wide campaigns are utilizing a
playbook from 2007, that is pre-
Obama, pre-Citizens United, and
I would say pre-Trump, and the
world has changed dramatically
since then,” Chism said.
Albright, the founder of the
Atlanta-based Black Voters Mat-
ter Fund, a political action com-
mittee focused on boosting Afri-
can American turnout, said Hood
never developed a message that
would resonate with black voters,
especially in the Mississippi Del-
ta. A conservative Democrat and
four-term attorney general, Hood
also shied away from bringing in
high-profile African American
surrogates to campaign for him,
Albright added.
“There was a desire for him to
be more direct, even doing a
commercial — that instead of just
speaking in general terms, ac-
knowledging the impacts that a
lack of Medicaid expansion [in
Mississippi] or the lack of rural
hospitals are having in black com-
munities,” Albright said.
Albright said white Democrat-
ic candidates in the South could
have taken a lesson from former
congressman Beto O’Rourke, a
Democrat who narrowly lost his
bid for the U.S. Senate bid in
Te xas last year.
Albright noted African Ameri-
can interest in O’Rourke’s candi-
dacy surged during that cam-
paign after he gave an impas-
sioned defense of former NFL
star Colin Kaepernick’s decision
to kneel during the national an-
them. Exit polls showed African
Americans accounted for 12 per-
cent of the Te xas electorate last
year — roughly equal to their
overall share of the population.
“It takes a certain kind of can-
didate, that will speak to issues in
a certain kind of way to galvanize
black voters,” Albright said.
But white Democratic politi-
cians in the South face a difficult
balancing act to drive up turnout
in the state’s urban areas without
alienating some other groups of
voters.
Mary Patricia Wray, a Louisi-
ana political strategist who has
advised candidates from both
parties, said even a small blow-
back among white voters to Ed-
wards’s outreach to African
Americans could prove decisive
in the outcome of the election.
“We are still not really in a
post-racial Louisiana, so when
people keep hearing the message
that black voter turnout is up...
it could also certainly have a
slight impact on turnout among
the hard right,” s he said.
[email protected]
colby itkowitz contributed to this
report.
La. governor seeks to draw black voters back to the polls
Gerald Herbert/associated Press
After a weaker-than-expected primary turnout, Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards (D) hopes to mobilize African Americans to vote in Saturday’s runoff.
The incumbent fights
back as white Trump
supporters flock to GOP
BY AMY GARDNER
AND TED MELLNIK
North Carolina Democrats
could gain two congressional
seats under a redistricting map
approved by the Republican-con-
trolled legislature Friday — but
some of them say it is not
enough.
The new map of the state’s 13
congressional districts was craft-
ed by state lawmakers after a
state court ruled earlier this
month that the GOP illegally
gerrymandered the lines for par-
tisan gain.
Under the new lines, two Re-
publican congressmen — George
Holding of Raleigh and Mark
Walker of Summerfield, near
Greensboro — are drawn into the
new Democratic-leaning dis-
tricts, making their reelection
prospects next year uncertain.
B ut Democrats are asking for
more, saying that the map should
reflect the state’s partisan make-
up — even though a Democratic-
affiliated group backed the law-
suit seeking to declare that prac-
tice unconstitutional. They are
seeking at least six Democratic
districts, and vowed Friday to
challenge the map in court.
“We really need to have a fair
map, we need a 6-7 map or a 7-
map or a 6-6-1 map. Those would
be fair maps,” said Rep. G.K.
Butterfield, a Democrat who rep-
resents the state’s 1st Congressio-
nal District. “This appears on the
face of it to be a 5-8 map, which
doesn’t quite get us where we
need to go.”
The latest map — designed by
state Rep. David Lewis, one of the
legislature’s redistricting chair-
men, and approved late Thurs-
day by the state House of Repre-
sentatives and Friday in the Sen-
ate — creates a new Democratic-
leaning district in Raleigh and
another anchored in Greensboro.
In the current map, those cities
are carved into different dis-
tricts, diluting their heavily Dem-
ocratic vote.
State Sen. Paul Newton, one of
the legislature’s redistricting au-
thors, said Thursday that “fair is
in the eye of the beholder” a nd he
chided Democrats for seeking a
partisan measure of districts.
Newton said Republicans used
no racial or partisan data to draw
the maps and closely followed
criteria including compactness
and equal distribution of popula-
tion.
“They have revealed motives
that make it seem inevitable that
we will not reach consensus with
the minority party,” Newton said.
Dan Blue, Democratic leader
of the North Carolina Senate,
said Democrats are not asking to
use partisan data in the drawing
of districts but simply for an
after-the-fact assessment to see
how fairly the districts divide up
power based on the makeup of
the population. Blue said he
agrees with Butterfield’s assess-
ment that six Democratic dis-
tricts, or five Democratic dis-
tricts and one swing seat, would
make for a fair map.
Blue also predicted that the
plaintiffs in the lawsuit will p rob-
ably object in court to any map
that does not achieve greater
parity between the parties.
“You can’t use partisanship in
drawing the map. You ought not
to look at how these districts are
formed in putting them togeth-
er,” Blue said. “But surely you
should be able to go back and see
what the results are.”
On Capitol Hill on Thursday,
Holding said the line-drawing is
still in its early stages and he is
not fretting about a process he
cannot control. He also noted
that he will retain options even if
he is zoned into a bluer district,
with North Carolina expected to
pick up at least one new congres-
sional seat after the 2020 Census
and a Senate seat coming up in
2022.
“My firm belief is, no one is
entitled to a congressional dis-
trict,” said Holding, a former
federal prosecutor. “You know,
it’s the people’s house, we call it
that for a reason. So I get some-
what amused by all these mem-
bers who are all saying, ‘Oh, my
gosh, they’re taking my seat away
from me’ — when it wasn’t your
seat to start with.”
[email protected]
[email protected]
Mike debonis contributed to this
report.
New map approved by N.C. legislature could give
Democrats two additional seats in Congress
Source: N.C. legislature. TED MELLNIK AND SHELLY TAN/THE WASHINGTON POST
Map used in 2018
District lean of proposed new map
The current map of North Carolina's Congressional districts has diluted the
influence of Democrats, enabling Republicans to hold 10 of 13 seats.
The proposed map would create two additional districts that likely favor
Democrats. The 6th District would pool Democrats in the Greensboro area
that are now divided among three Republican districts. In the Raleigh area,
the redraw would make the 2nd District a Democratic favorite, in addition to
the 4th District.
The new map may still favor Republicans. It maintains a Republican
advantage around Fayetteville by dividing Democratic voters between the
8th and 9th districts. Republicans gain a likely unassailable seat in the new
13th District.
District lean based on
2016 election results
Charlotte
Charlotte
Greensboro
Fayetteville
Fayetteville
Raleigh
Raleigh
Greensboro
11
11
5
10
13
8
10
5
13
8
6 4 1
2
7
3
9
12
12
6
9
7
2
4 1
3
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