Wednesday13 November 2019 ★ FINANCIAL TIMES 7
according to a review, which also identi-
fied the opaqueness of CETC’s owner-
ship as a “further challenge”.
Curtin University says the researcher
had advised it that he was solely focused
on the provision of technical advice and
that “he has not received any academic
funding from the Chinese government”.
But critics remain unconvinced and
are lobbying Canberra to impose tighter
controls on collaborative research.
“It is clear that universities have been
extremely lax in some of their research
collaboration projects and this is
causing serious concern at Australia’s
defence and security agencies,” says
Clive Hamilton,author ofSilent Invasion:
Chinese Influence in Australia.
A report by the Australian Strategic
Policy Institute, a Canberra think-tank,
detailed how China’s People’s Liberation
Armyhas sponsored 2,500 military
scientists and engineers in western uni-
versities since 2007. Nearly all were CCP
members, who returned to China after
completing their research.
“Helping a rival military develop its
expertise and technology isn’t in the
national interest,” says Alex Joske,
author of the October 2018 report. “Yet
it’s not clear that western universities
and governments are fully aware of this
phenomenon.”
But, Mr Laurenceson warns,blocking
Australian scientists from collaborating
with their Chinese counterparts could
do irreparable damage to the country’s
research base. Adding that Australia
and other western nationsrisklosing
hundreds of millions of dollars in Chi-
nese funding and research expertise in
key sectors such as engineering if they
ban or placestrict rules on R&D collabo-
ration.
“China is now a knowledge generation
hub and ahead of Australia in many
areas,” he says. “International collabo-
ration is fundamental to the success of
Australian universities — plenty of these
Chinese researchers would be happy to
collaborate in Europe or elsewhere.”
The campus fight over Hong Kong
D
rew Pavlou is an unlikely
threat to the Chinese
Communist party. The 20-
year-old rts student ata
Australia’s University of
Queenslandhas never even been to the
country. But his decision to organise a
campus demonstration in support of
Hong Kong pro-democracy rotestersp
has sparked a diplomatic incident
between Canberra and Beijing and put
him on a collision course with the
Chinese authorities.
The July 24protest urnedt violent,
with clashes between pro- and anti-
Beijing students.The organisers were
subsequentlyaccused by China’s con-
sul-general in Brisbane, Xu Jie, of being
“separatists” and “anti-China activists”.
Mr Pavlou has lodged a police com-
plaint against Mr Xu alleging thatthe
consul-general’s statementexposed the
young student o death threatst. Itclaims
that the statementis evidence of efforts
by Beijing and its network of foreign
representativesto silence critics and
limitfreedom of speech on campuses.
The arts student is also urgingthe uni-
versity to close its Confucius Institute, a
Chinese language and cultural centre on
campus funded by Beijing, andreverse
its decision to appoint Mr Xu as an
adjunct professor.
A separate legal actionlodged by Mr
Pavlou against Mr Xu will be heard on
November 22 at Brisbane Magistrates
Court. The student has asked the court
to issue a form of restraining order
against Mr Xu hat would require him tot
stop any activity that threatens to cause
harm to Mr Pavlou. But the senior Chi-
nese officialhas not yet said whetherhe
will attend court or defend the action.
The spillover of tensions generated by
the Hong Kong protests at colleges in
Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the US
and elsewhere has intensified aglobal
debate about Beijing’s influence t west-a
ern universities where annualenrol-
ment of Chinese students doubled ot
869,000 in the decade to 2017, according
to the Centre for Independent Studies, a
Sydney-based think-tank. It is a concern
that extends beyond Beijing’s monitor-
ing of its own citizens on overseas cam-
puses: bleeding into areas such as
research and development and cyber
security.
“Australian academic independence
is being bought by the Chinese govern-
ment,” says Mr Pavlou. “Beijing exer-
cises so much financial leverage over
our universities that it can stifle all
criticism of the Chinese government
on campus.”
The university strongly rejectsthese
criticisms, saying it is committed to free
speech and insists its ties with Mr Xu
and the Confucius Institute are entirely
appropriate. But the violent scenes have
alarmed Australia’s conservative gov-
ernment, whichrebuked Mr Xu for his
commentsand has created a foreign
interference task force staffed by secu-
rity service personnel and academics to
monitor the university sector.
It is expected to issueguidelinesby
the end of November on how to
strengthencyber security n campuses,o
reduce the risk of sensitive military and
dual-use intellectual property being
obtained by the Chinese government or
military, and safeguard academic free-
dom at colleges.
Canberra’s focus on rooting out for-
eign influence, first in politics and now
universities, has angered Beijing and
alarmed some Australian academics,
who warn it risks labelling all Chinese
students as spies, promoting xenopho-
bia and causing irreparable damage to
bilateral relations, with two-way trade
worth A$213bn last year. But critics
counter that universities are turning a
blind eye to Beijing’s alleged interfer-
ence on campus because the sector has
becomedependent on Chinese money.
“This is a wake-up call for all of
us, whether it be government, the uni-
versity sector or business,” says Dan
Tehan, Australia’s education minister.
“We need to understand the best way we
can deal with the threat [of foreign
interference].”
Revenue earner
The influx of Chinese students uoyedb
college coffers at a time when many
western governments were cutting
education budgets in the wake of the
2008 financial crisis. Universities say
Chinese students make a valuable con-
tribution beyond fee income by foster-
ing diversity, new ways of thinking in
classes and personal links to the world’s
second-biggest economy. But they do
also make a substantial financial differ-
ence, paying at least three to four times
more in feesthan domestic students.
Kong against the territory’s authorities,
the boards are a eminder of ther contin-
uing tensions on Australian campuses.
Jack Yiu, a student from Hong Kong at
the University of Queensland, shows
grainy video footage captured on his
mobile phoneof a Chinese student rip-
ping down messages from the Lennon
wall. When the student is challenged by
a university security guard he appears
to tell him that he will make a complaint
to the Chinese ambassador in Australia
about his treatment.
“Students from Hong Kong fear they
are being targeted on campus”, says
Mr Yiu, a former head of the university’s
Hong Kong Student Association. “But
also [fear]that Chinese authorities
are monitoring their involvement at
protests in Australia and can cause us
trouble when we go home.”
A week after the University of Queens-
land protest, a pro-Hong Kong demon-
stration at New Zealand’s University of
Auckland led to a female Hong Kong stu-
dentbeing pushed to the ground by rival
protesters. The pro-Beijing group was
later praised by China’s consulate in
Auckland or its “spontaneous patriot-f
ism” in language almost identical to that
used by Mr Xuin Brisbane.
Neither Mr Xu, the Chinese embassy
in Canberra or the Chinese Students and
Scholars Association — whichrepre-
sents the country’sstudents and aca-
demics in Australia — responded toFT
requests for comment about theallega-
tions made by Mr Pavlou. None of them
would agree to be interviewed by the FT.
The University of Queensland also
refused a request for interview but said
it fully supported free speech on cam-
pus. “Bullying and intimidating behav-
iour, including hate speech, will not be
tolerated at UQ,” it said.
Many Chinese students who spoke to
the FT said the Australianconcerns
about Beijing’s nfluence are misplacedi
and risk ostracising their community.
“The Chinese government and consu-
late have absolutely no role in the
university. It just isn’t happening,” says
Jacky He, president of the students’
union at the University of Sydney, who
moved to Australia from China with his
parents aged10.
“It is important to realise that Chinese
students are not all CCP members
and their views are not monolithic.”
It is a viewshared by Yuan Jiang, a
PhD student at Queensland University
of Technology in Brisbane. “People are
always trying to view Chinese students
as a single group to analyse, but that is
not right. Most Chinese students just
want to study and stay out of trouble.
“There is a chance that Chinese
parents will read about this influence
debate and may encourage their chil-
dren to go to other countries rather than
Australia,” adds r Jiang.M
Australian universities worry that
Chinese students could go elsewhere ot
study, including the UK, which has
revamped its visa regime o make itt
more attractive to overseas students.
There are already signs of a slow down
with a dip in Chinese student visas
issued in the June quarter and Mac-
quarie University in Sydney implement-
ing budget cuts, at least in part because
of a fall in international students.
“The debate over Chinese interfer-
ence at universities has become exag-
gerated to such an extent by some com-
mentators that it risks stoking racism,
even if that is not the intent,” says James
Laurenceson, acting director of the Aus-
tralian-China Relations Institute at the
University of Technology Sydney.
He blames Australia’s fear of aban-
donment by itsmainally, the US, as
one reason for thecampaign against
“Chinese interference” by some politi-
cians and conservative media outlets.
“It is simply not right to make a gen-
eral claim that Chinese students study-
ing here in Australia are rampantly
nationalist pro-CCP or allege they are
shutting down free expression.”
Project partners
Yetthe deepening research relationship
between western universities and Chi-
nese academics is ringingalarm bells.
Human Rights Watch recently flagged
up concerns about a A$10m research
partnership between University Tech-
nology Sydney andCETC, a Chinese
state-owned military firm hat hast
developed an appused to trackMuslim
Uighur citizensin Xinjiang — the west-
ern Chinese province where there have
been mass detentions.
An investigation by Australian state
broadcaster ABC also raised concerns
about work on Chinese government-
funded research conducted byan asso-
ciate professor at Curtin University in
Perth. The research used artificial intel-
ligence to better identify ethnic minori-
ties in China.
Both universities are reviewing fund-
ing and research approval procedures
linked to the projects. UTS said it would
cease work on one of its projects with
CETC, which potentially raised con-
cerns identified in the HRW report,
In 2017, the University of Sydney
generated about A$500m in fees from
Chinese students — almost a quarter of
its total A$2.3bn revenuefor the year.
Foreign studentscontributed A$32bn to
Australia’s economy n the year to thei
end of June 2018.
Critics counter that the surge in Chi-
nese student numbers, who make up
one in 10 of those enrolled at Australia’s
top eight universities— raises questions
about thereliance on Chinese funding,
cyber security and the extent to which
the rulingCommunist partyseeks to
influence student organisations nda
quash criticism of Beijing oncampus.
Such concernsare not restricted to
Australia. In Canada, which is
embroiled in a diplomatic spat with
Beijing following the arrest ofHuawei
chief financial officerMeng Wanzhou, a
declassified report by the national spy
service warned last year that China is
targeting its “diaspora as a means of
increasing international influence”.
Western intelligence services are also
said to be stepping up their scrutiny of
research collaboration with China,par-
ticularly in “dual use” technologies, and
the extent to which Beijing uses over-
seas students to scoop up valuable intel-
lectual property and influence debates
on China in overseas institutions.
And in a nod to their concerns over
Beijing, the UK House of Commons for-
eign affairs committee last weekrecom-
mendedthat the government “engages
in dialogue with Australia, Canada, New
Zealand and the US to explore ways to
protect universities from attempts by
autocracies to use their financial muscle
to leverage influence through the with-
drawal of funding”.
University tensions
Colourful Post-it notes pinned torival
“Lennon walls” — named afterthe late
musician — at the University of Queens-
land mark outthe opposingterritories
of pro-Hong Kong and pro-Beijing stu-
dents.With protests escalating in Hong
‘It is not right to make a
general claim that Chinese
students studying here in
Australia are rampantly
nationalist pro-CCP’
Post-it protest: a
student covered
in sticky notes
stands by a
‘Lennon wall’in
support of Hong
Kong’s pro-
democracy
protests at the
University of
Queensland.
Below, a July
protest on the
campus against
funding
agreements
between
Australian
universities and
Chinese
organisations
Patrick Hamilton/AFP via
Getty Images
Clashes between pro- and anti-Hong Kong democracy supporters at Australian universities have sparked
worldwide scrutiny of the influence — from demonstrations to research — that Beijing wields.
By Jamie Smyth
869,
Chinese students
enrolled in western
universities in 2017,
double the number
of a decade earlier
A$213bn
Value of trade
between China and
Australia last year
A$500m
University of
Sydney fees from
Chinese students in
2017, almost 25% of
its total revenue for
the year
A$32bn
Contribution of
foreign students to
Australia’s economy
in 2017-
A$10m
Value of a research
tie-up between a
Chinese state
owned military firm
and University
Technology Sydney
highlighted by
Human Rights
Watch
FT BIG READ. CHINA BACKLASH
Anxious AustraliaThe problems on
campus have alarmed Canberra, which
is concerned about foreign interference
‘Not all CCP’Many Chinese students
say thefears over Beijing’s nfluencei
are misplaced and potentially harmful
R&D dependencePlacing strict rules on
collaboration riskslosing hundreds of
millions of dollars in Chinese funding