USA Today - 31.10.2019

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NEWS USA TODAY z THURSDAY, OCTOBER 31, 2019 z 7A


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BARBARA WALL

USA TODAY Publisher
President, USA TODAY NETWORK
MARIBEL PEREZ WADSWORTH

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USA TODAY
Editor in Chief
NICOLE CARROLL

“USA TODAY hopes to serve as a forum for better understanding and unity to help make the USA truly one nation.” – Allen H. Neuharth, Founder, Sept. 15, 1982

OPINION


MIKE THOMPSON/USA TODAY NETWORK

Marlon Anderson, an African Amer-
ican school security guard in Wiscon-
sin who uttered the N-word in his own
defense and got fired for it under the
school’s zero-tolerance policy, was
reinstated last week. The school board
president asked district officials to re-
scind his termination after more than
1,000 students staged a walkout.
The reversal is good news for Ander-
son, as well as for rationality and rea-
son. Hopefully, administrators actually
listened to the students they are sup-
posed to serve and realized that more
students were hurt by the callous firing
of a dedicated school employee than by
hearing an adult tell an angry student
to stop calling him the racial slur.
If we’re going to find ways to respond
more reasonably to such matters — the
subtleties of race, hateful words and
hate speech — then we have to under-
stand where we’ve gone wrong.
What should the principal who en-
forced the zero-tolerance policy have
done? A more reasonable response
might have been to let it go. After all, it’s
hard to make a case that either the bel-
ligerent boy or Anderson committed a
hate crime against the other. But high
school administrators know the risks of
making decisions based on logic rather
than policy. They are under constant
scrutiny, and everyone remembers ev-
ery decision and measures its fairness
against every other decision.
What happens if in the future, a
white student or teacher at that school
uses the N-word? Reasonable people
would say such a case is different and
context is everything, but zero-toler-
ance polices about language — as sim-
plistic and tiresome as they are — exist
as a shield to protect educators from
accusations of bias and favoritism.
It has got to feel queasy to be a white
educator passing judgment on African
American students or staff about using
the N-word. But, queasy or not, some-
times we find ourselves compelled to
make such judgments.

White teacher’s experience

In 1992, during my first year as a
teacher and basketball coach, a mid-
dle-age African American school bus
driver threw my team and me off his
bus and refused to drive us to our play-
off game because some of the guys
were casually using the N-word with
each other. The driver seemed most
contemptuous of me for letting them
use it. I had allowed these African
American teenagers that freedom be-
cause, as a white man, I did not believe
myself in a position to regulate it. But as
far as the driver was concerned, my si-
lence had endorsed the offensive word.
I apologized to him and huddled out-
side with the team and found my own
moral authority representing the driv-
er. “You don’t know what he’s been
through,” I told the guys. “He doesn’t

want to hear that word and you ought to
respect that. There are people who are
hurt by that word.”
They apologized to the driver and sat
in silence while we rode to the game.
Since then, I have tried to hold onto
the moral authority I realized that day. I
think about that driver and the respect
he deserved. I imagine how he might
feel and what he might say. I don’t think
he would have wanted Marlon Ander-
son fired. I think he would have sympa-
thized with Anderson and understood
that outrage and urgency had forced
that word out of his mouth.
I hope we can get beyond the fear
and outrage of incidents like this one. I
hope educators can find ways to turn
discomfort into educational opportuni-
ties, without students having to walk
out of class to prompt us.

Respect trumps race

Last year, a student at the school
where I teach posted ugly racist mes-
sages, including the N-word, online.
The student is a Chicana, and those
messages sparked outrage. African
American students felt attacked. La-
tino students felt judged for the actions
of one. Our administrators, who are Af-
rican American, did not want to expel
the student. They thought the school
had an obligation to try to enlighten
her, and they saw an opportunity to
teach all our students about hate
speech, the perils of the internet and
the power of humility and forgiveness.
I thought they were right, though I
wondered whether I could respond that
way if I were the principal. Perhaps the
administrator’s race shouldn’t matter.
I’m not sure what that bus driver would
say about it. Many of our African Amer-
ican students complained to me and
another white teacher about what they
considered a weak response to the rac-
ist rant. We listened and encouraged
them to express their outrage in con-
structive ways and promised to help
them be heard.
Ironic? That African American stu-
dents complained to white teachers
about what they considered the racial
insensitivity of African American ad-
ministrators? Maybe not so ironic at all.
They knew us, trusted us and knew
that we respected them as people, and
maybe that matters more than any-
thing. I think there are no perfect pol-
icies for addressing these questions,
but if we are willing to know, respect
and listen to each other, and have the
courage to assert our decency, then we
can somehow work things out.

Larry Strauss, a high school English
teacher in South Los Angeles, is a mem-
ber of USA TODAY’s Board of Contrib-
utors and the author of“Students First
and Other Lies” and, on audio, “Now’s
the Time” (narrated by Kim Fields).

Zero tolerance in

schools = zero sense

Who am I to police my

black students’ speech?

Larry Strauss

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President Donald Trump and his de-
fenders have spent the past few weeks
attacking the process by which an im-
peachment inquiry has unfolded in the
House of Representatives. They have
not done themselves any favors.
They have impugned the integrity of
witnesses. They have engaged in pub-
licity stunts, like when several dozen
House members stormed the secure
hearing room where depositions are
heard, some of them violating security
protocols by bringing cellphones into
the facility.
And their protests of Democratic
“secrecy” rang hollow because Repub-
licans on three committees — including
13 of the stormers — have been allowed
in to participate.
The Trump administration, mean-
while, has defied subpoenas and with-
held witnesses, while arguing that the
House impeachment inquiry isn’t le-
gitimate without a vote to formally
launch one.
Now they are going to get that vote,
something House Speaker Nancy Pelo-
si should have scheduled weeks ago.
Better late than never, we suppose. The
resolution coming before the House as
early as todaywould move the im-
peachment process to open hearings
and create ground rules very much like
those the Republicans adopted in
President Bill Clinton’s impeachment
hearings in 1998.
With attacks on the process falter-
ing, Trump suggests he’ll begin to
mount a more substantive defense of
his actions. “I’d rather go into the de-
tails of the case rather than process,” he
told reporters. “Process is good. But I
think we ought to look at the case.”
Yes, we should, Mr. President.
The details that have come out so far
are damning. They confirm virtually
every element of the whistleblower
complaint that triggered the impeach-
ment inquiry. Witnesses have said that
duly appropriated military aid to Uk-
raine, as well as a personal meeting be-
tween Trump and the Ukrainian presi-
dent, were made contingent on that
country launching an investigation
into Democratic presidential candidate
Joe Biden and his son Hunter.
Those are very serious accusations
that the president abused his power by
subordinating national security to his
personal political interest in digging up
dirt on a potential rival.
A credible defense on the substance
would involve providing a legitimate
rationale for why the nearly $400 mil-
lion in security aid was withheld. It


would also mean finding credible wit-
nesses to counter the ones who have
come forward.
Yet no sooner had Trump said it was
time to look at the substance of the im-
peachment inquiry than he reverted to
petty personal attacks.
He called one witness, Army Lt. Col.
Alexander Vindman, a “Never Trum-
per” — a term generally applied to Re-
publicans and independent conserva-
tives who oppose him. Unlike previous
witnesses, Vindman was cleared and
listening in on Trump’s call with Uk-
raine President Volodymyr Zelensky on
July 25, and he offered a firsthand ac-
count to House investigators Tuesday.
In as much as Trump has called Never
Trumpers “human scum,” the logical
inference is that the president is calling
Vindman human scum.
That’s pretty harsh for someone who
has made military service his career,
who is a combat veteran of Iraq, who
was awarded a Purple Heart after al-
most being killed by a roadside bomb,
and who was chosen for the honor of
serving as a uniformed staff member of
the National Security Council.
Some of Trump’s enablers have
pointed to Vindman’s heritage as a Uk-
rainian whose family fled to America
when he was 3 years old in 1979. Former
Rep. Sean Duffy of Wisconsin even sug-
gested that Vindman did not have
America’s interest at heart but rather
those of Ukraine. That comes close to
questioning the patriotism and loyalty
of someone who has served the United
States of America with extraordinary
distinction.
Enough is enough. Stop the charac-
ter assassinations. Call off the stupid
stunts. Face the facts, which provide
ample reasons for elevating the im-
peachment inquiry to the next level.

TODAY'S DEBATE: THE PRESIDENCY


Our view: Evidence justifies


escalating impeachment inquiry


Army Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman
arrives on Capitol Hill on Tuesday.
SHAWN THEW/EPA-EFE

Elections have consequences. The
same goes for Republicans as it goes for
Democrats. Our Founding Fathers en-
visioned divisive days like today. How-
ever, they did not envision that once
the votes were counted and the Amer-
ican people had spoken, that a political
party would refuse to accept the out-
come of an election.
For nearly three years, House Demo-
crats have been relentless in their quest
to subvert the will of the American peo-
ple by trying to invalidate the election
of 2016 by any means necessary.
Undeterred by the failure of the
Mueller report, the House Democrats
have decided to further dispense with
constitutional and legal procedures for
impeachment. Their closed-door cha-
rade best illustrates their irrational ha-
tred of President Donald Trump.
America is different from other na-
tions in part because for almost
250 years, the hallmark of our judicial
system has been to guarantee our citi-
zens the right of due process.
So far, instead of following the pro-
cedures laid out by every Congress
since America’s founding, House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi has decided her
megaphone is more important than the
rule the law. House Democrats have
beeninterviewing witnesses in secret,


operating behind closed doors, selec-
tively leaking information to their allies
in the mainstream news media, all with
zero transparency and accountability
to the American people.
These actions look more nakedly po-
litical by the day, while the president of
the United States has had no opportu-
nity to meaningfully participate or con-
front allegations through this flawed
and abnormal process.
And don’t forget, this is taking the
place of important work on behalf of
the American people, like passing the
United States-Mexico-Canada Agree-
ment trade agreement, reducing tax
and regulatory burdens on American
small businesses, addressing violence
in our nation’s major cities and fixing
our broken immigration system.
In 13 months, Americans will again
have the opportunity to decide who
they want to lead this country in our
democratic elections. Americans, not
Nancy Pelosi and Adam Schiff, will de-
cide for themselves at the ballot box.
That’s how our system works. It is not a
system where you get a participation
trophy or where everyone gets their
way. In politics, like football, sore losers
don’t get another bite at the apple.

Matt Whitaker is the former acting
U.S. Attorney General. Jeff Landry is
Louisiana Attorney General.

Opposing view:Democrats are


trying to invalidate 2016 results


Matt Whitaker and Jeff Landry

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