The Wall Street Journal - 31.10.2019

(Rick Simeone) #1

A16| Thursday, October 31, 2019 THE WALL STREET JOURNAL.


Good Strategic Planning Can Be Productive


Wyatt Wells throws the baby out
with the bath water in “Why ‘Strate-
gic Plans’ Are Rarely Strategic—or
Effective” (op-ed, Oct. 26). While he
cites anecdotes to support his the-
sis, he neglects to mention that stra-
tegic planning, when done well, in-
volves establishing a robust fact
base, conducting rigorous analysis,
surfacing the most intellectually and
emotionally challenging questions
for the organization, addressing
those questions with genuine
thought, integrity and collaboration,
and communicating effectively
across the organization throughout
the process of developing and imple-
menting the plan.
In an age of increasing misinfor-
mation and mistrust, and decreasing
attention spans, the antidote to Mr.
Wells’s anecdotes is exactly the kind
of deeper, more genuine thought and
engagement that great strategic
planning entails, not hopeful abdica-
tion to the instincts of a leader.
JOYJITSAHACHOUDHURY
Strategy Consultant
Short Hills, N.J.

When I became vice president for
strategic planning at a small for-
profit privately held company I
strove to be one of the exceptions to
Prof. Wells’s description of fraudu-
lent strategic planners. The solution
was quite simple. A “strategic plan”
was defined to comprise a quantita-
tive and measurable set of goals at
specific times and quantitative and
measurable actions to achieve those
goals. There was no allowance of
words such as “enhance,” which
carry no quantitative or measurable
aspects, to avoid specificity, as Prof.
Wells quite rightly criticizes. The
most egregious plans in my experi-
ence are associated with committees
of the U.S. government whose re-
ports are immediately trashed or, at
best, filed and never looked at
again.
JOHNRIGANATI
Skillma, N.J.

The value of planning is in the
process, conversations and under-
standings that unfold in the “doing.”
Planning is at its root teleological.

Well-structured planning exercises
involve an honest assessment of the
current state and a realistic ap-
praisal of what is possible given as-
sets, resources, competitive environ-
ment, etc. This enables the organi-
zation to build a unified vision of
where it wishes to go.
“Plans are worthless but planning
is everything” (Dwight Eisenhower).
“He who does not look ahead re-
mains behind” (Spanish proverb).
CHRISTOPHERCLARK
Houston

My experience at two firms
taught me that a certain amount of
planning is good, but that the key to
success is the effective implementa-
tion of the plan.
JOHND.GRUBBS,P.E.
Houston

Prof. Wells fails to point to the
cacophony from the most egregious
of strategic planners, our Demo-
cratic candidates for president. All
candidates “have a plan,” will bring
“fundamental change” and probably
save our immortal souls in the pro-
cess. It is the essence of socialism
that the government control and
plan all activity in the nation, yet
the professor leaves out the most
dangerous type of strategic plan-
ner—strategic planners with the
power of the state behind them. Call
it a strategic plan, a central plan, a
five-year plan, a Great Leap For-
ward—it consistently ends badly for
the lowly citizens. If the strategic
plan of a university or corporation
fails, it doesn’t bring down the
whole nation.
JOEBOCCUZZI
Stamford, Conn.

I’ve been working as a strategist
with Fortune 1000 companies for 30
years, and wrote a book on the sub-
ject. Prof. Wells’s piece, though ac-
curate, misses the crux of the mat-
ter. Planning is bottom-up, strategy
is top-down. The phrase is an oxy-
moron. Planning kills strategy.
ALANWEISS,PH.D.
President
Summit Consulting Group, Inc.
East Greenwich, R.I.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR


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“Eye of newt and
a little cannabis for flavor.”

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

Charters: A Drain on Classic Public Schools


Your Oct. 19 editorial “Florida’s
Reform Momentum” was accompa-
nied by Megan Keller’s same-day
“Detroit Is Making a Comeback. Can
Its Schools?” (Cross Country), re-
counting how Detroit’s public
schools are moving in the “right di-
rection”...evenas“therestof
Michigan slides.” One of the main
reasons for Michigan’s slippage is
the state’s embrace of dumb ideas
cleverly labeled as “school choice.” A
more apt choice of words for what is
happening in Michigan, as well as
Florida, would be a wasteful cash
give-away of tax dollars to unac-
countable privately run schools.
Florida is one-upping the Great
Lakes State when it comes to bad ed-
ucation policy. Florida Gov. Ron De-
Santis has signed a plan that instead
of adding “momentum,” will drain an
additional $1 billion from the already
underfunded public schools that are
responsible for educating 90% of
Florida’s children. The end result
will not be a better education sys-
tem, but rather a fractured, redun-
dant system that rewards tax dollars

to private entities with little over-
sight, in violation of the state consti-
tution.
Gov. DeSantis’s raid on the state
treasury will be fought in the courts
and also in the court of public opin-
ion. The Florida Education Associa-
tion has scheduled more than 50
events over the next five weeks to
explain all that is at stake to parents
and taxpayers, and to ask Floridians
to properly “fund our future.”
FEDRICKINGRAM
President
Florida Education Association
Tallahassee, Fla.

Quids, Pros and Quos and
The Trump Impeachment
Regarding Barton Swaim’s “Blow-
ing the Whistle About a Quid and a
Quo” (op-ed, Oct. 25): The etymology
of “cherry picking” refers to a crane
with a bucket to select the very best
in a selfish manner. The George W.
Bush administration was accused of
picking only information that sup-
ported the invasion of Iraq while ig-
noring (and hiding) evidence to the
contrary.
In the case of the Mueller report,
no one was talking about “collusion”
except for President Trump. The re-
port itself investigated conspiracy, a
legal term, and found none.
As for the “quid pro quo” of the
Trump administration holding up
hundreds of millions of dollars in aid
to Ukraine to force it to investigate
one of the president’s election oppo-
nents, Ellen Weintraub, chair of the
Federal Election Commission, empha-
sized on June 13: “It is illegal for any
person to solicit, accept, or receive
anything of value from a foreign na-
tional in connection with a U.S. elec-
tion.” So yes, doing so would be an
act of grave moral turpitude.
LUISZERVIGON
New Orleans

Pepper ...
And Salt

Don’t Pack the High Court,
But Have a Retirement Age
Your editorial “Mayor Pete’s Su-
preme Pivot” (Oct. 25) reminds vot-
ers of South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete
Buttigieg’s radical approach to our
third branch of government. Presi-
dent Franklin D. Roosevelt’s failed
court-packing attempt, and the polit-
ical mischief which it was symptom-
atic of, has apparently now been for-
gotten and recycled, as fear among
progressive voters increases as Asso-
ciate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg
battles health-related issues during
the Court’s new term.
Court-packing by increasing court
size is a constitutionally flawed ap-
proach. By contrast, a realistic re-
tirement age (80, 85?) would be a
more appropriate, and ideologically
neutral, approach to the decline
which the aging process inevitably
brings.
Politicians should, as Chief Justice
John Roberts has wisely admonished,
eschew interjecting politics into our
highest court.
ROGERBENNETADLER
Brooklyn, N.Y.

The ABA Strikes Again


H


ow can a judicial nominee who has ed-
ited the Harvard Law Review, clerked
for a top circuit judge, litigated exten-
sively at the district and appel-
late levels and served as Solici-
tor General of two states be
deemed “unqualified” for the
bench?
Only if the group making the
judgment is the liberal lawyers’
guild known as the American Bar Association,
and the nominee in question is a Republican—
and, worse, an evangelical Christian and gun hob-
byist from the Mountain West. The ABA’s two-
page assessment for Lawrence VanDyke, a
nominee for the Ninth Circuit U.S. Court of Ap-
peals, dropped Tuesday. It’s a mess of anonymous
personal attacks and innuendo, including that Mr.
VanDyke is “arrogant, lazy” and “an ideologue”
who “does not have an open mind.”
Some of the sniping seems to have come from
personal or political rivals from Mr. VanDyke’s
time at the Montana Department of Justice, but
the ABA keeps its interviews confidential so nei-
ther Senators nor the public can know who
made what claims and on what basis. After the
document was released, Mr. VanDyke’s former
colleagues started coming forward to strongly
dispute its characterization.
One striking passage in the ABA document


says Mr. VanDyke “would not say affirmatively
that he would be fair to any litigant before him,
notably members of the LGBTQ community.” At
his Wednesday Judiciary Com-
mittee hearing, Mr. VanDyke
denied under oath that he had
said this. It turns out that the
lawyer who led Mr. VanDyke’s
interview donated to his rival
when he ran for Montana Su-
preme Court in 2014.
Mr. VanDyke was remarkably good-natured at
the hearing given what had been dropped on his
head, though he did get emotional answering the
accusation he would be unfair to sexual minorities.
“I did not say that,” he said. “I do not believe that.
It is a fundamental belief of mine that all people
are created in the image of God and they should
all be treated with dignity and respect.”
The ABA’s character assassination was so
brazen that even Sheldon Whitehouse—last seen
threatening the U.S. Supreme Court over a gun
case—suggested that the committee bring in the
ABA for more information. That’s not enough.
The ABA has been trashing conservative nomi-
nees for decades, leveraging the false perception
that it is a nonpartisan professional group. It is
free to oppose candidates for ideological rea-
sons, but it ought to be stripped of its privileged
role in the confirmation process.

The lawyers’ guild tries


to defeat another


conservative nominee.


Adios, Bias Response Team


G


ood news is hard to find on American
campuses these days, so we’re even
happier than usual to report a victory
for free speech at the Univer-
sity of Michigan. The school
administration has agreed un-
der legal duress to disband its
speech police and reform its
student code.
The retreat came after a
successful legal challenge last month to Michi-
gan’s Bias Response Team by Speech First, a
nonprofit focusing on campus speech. The uni-
versity’s bureaucratic bias cops had the power
to investigate students accused of speech
deemed offensive merely by the “feelings” of
those offended. Like most people these days,
we’re offended by someone’s speech nearly ev-
ery day.
The Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that
the Bias Response Team “acts by way of implicit
threat of punishment and intimidation to quell
speech.” The school tried to modify its defini-
tions of bullying and harassment to head off a
legal defeat, but the Sixth Circuit said the tim-
ing “raises suspicions that its cessation is not


genuine” and remanded the case to a district
court where the school settled Monday.
The university agreed never to revive its old
definitions of bullying and ha-
rassment. Administrators had
scrapped the Bias Response
Team earlier this year and re-
placed it with a Campus Cli-
mate Support team that is in-
tended to “support students,
faculty or staff” but is “not a disciplinary body,
cannot impose discipline,” and can’t compel stu-
dents to meet with them.
Under the settlement, the university agreed
never to reinstate the Bias Response Team,
while the plaintiffs reserve “our right to chal-
lenge the Campus Climate Support staff, should
that program turn out to be no different than
the Bias Response Team in practice,” says
Speech First president Nicki Neily.
The settlement should resonate far beyond
Michigan because more than 200 schools have
similar bias police. Those schools would be wise
to drop these practices before they end up in
court trying to defend their own indefensible
violations of the First Amendment.

Michigan concedes that


its speech police are


legally indefensible.


REVIEW & OUTLOOK


OPINION


Adam Smith’s Revenge


T


he great counterfactual of the Trump
Presidency is how much faster the econ-
omy would be growing without the
damage of his trade protec-
tionism. Wednesday’s report
of lackluster 1.9% growth in
the third quarter shows again
that you can’t escape Adam
Smith’s revenge for indulging
in bad economic policy for po-
litical goals.
The economy continued to grow despite
overwrought recession fears as consumer
spending provided nearly all of the growth in
GDP. This is the second quarter in a row when
the mighty consumer had to offset falling busi-
ness investment to produce positive growth.
Government spending kicked in a modest 0.35-
point of the 1.9% growth, offsetting declines in
net exports (minus-0.08) and gross private in-
vestment (minus-0.27).
The investment slump looks even more stark
in the nearby chart on overall nonresidential in-
vestment by quarter. The last two quarters have
been negative after nearly two years of healthy
gains that revived with the Trump Presidency
and the recharging of
business animal spir-
its. Democratic econo-
mists argue that the
Trump policy mix of
tax reform and deregu-
lation made no differ-
ence to investment
and growth.
But as the chart
shows, nonresidential
private investment
took a dive in 2015 and
2016 as the economy
barely dodged a reces-
sion. Investment accel-
erated as the new pol-
icy mix began along
with a more pro-busi-
ness political climate. Dan Clifton of Strategas
Research Partners estimates that U.S. compa-
nies have repatriated nearly $1 trillion from
overseas since tax reform passed, contributing
to a variety of business purposes.
GDP growth accelerated to 3% for a time
along with investment, but then came Mr.
Trump’s trade interventions. More than the
damage from tariffs, business confidence fell
amid the uncertainty of what Mr. Trump might
do next. This has led to slower growth that is
reflected in roughly 2% GDP growth in the last
two quarters. The economy is now down again
to the slow Obama growth plane.
President Trump and some in the White
House blame the Federal Reserve and Europe
for this slump, but neither explanation holds up.


Europe hasn’t grown fast for decades and its
2017 growth bump was helped by faster U.S.
growth. The Fed in our view made a mistake in
raising rates a quarter point
last December, but businesses
did not starve for money even
before the Fed began cutting
rates again this summer.
The strong evidence is that
trade policy is the main
growth culprit. U.S. manufacturing has
slumped, which is related to slowing exports.
Slower growth in China from the trade war has
reduced the exports of U.S. farm, industrial and
construction equipment. The third-quarter de-
cline in spending for information processing
equipment, much of which is exported, was the
largest in seven years.
A study by Federal Reserve economists this
year looked at two waves of trade policy
“shock,” first in 2018 and then in the first half
of 2019, and estimated the impact reduced GDP
growth by about one percentage point. In the
National Association for Business Economics
October survey, 53% cited trade policy as the
key downside economic risk through 2020.
On Wednesday the
Fed continued trying
to counter that risk by
cutting the fed-funds
rate for the third time
this year to between
1.5% and 1.75%. With
inflation at about 1.7%,
this means the Fed is
underwriting negative
real interest rates even
with the economy
growing 2% and the
jobless rate at an his-
toric low of 3.5%. This
is not tight policy.
Chairman Jay Pow-
ell said at his news
conference that the
rate cuts are already showing up in a stronger
housing market. And housing in the third quar-
ter contributed to GDP growth for the first
time in seven quarters. The problem is that
housing is a form of consumption and doesn’t
drive the productivity gains and higher wages
that other business investment does. The Fed
will have to watch not to repeat the excesses
in housing and other assets of the 2000s that
eventually came to grief.
The larger point is that monetary policy
can’t make up for bad macroeconomic deci-
sions. Zero rates couldn’t lift the economy
above 2% in the Obama years when willy-nilly
regulation and high tax rates undermined busi-
ness confidence and investment. Negative rates
are no panacea for trade shocks either.

Trade damage takes the


economy down to


Obama growth levels.

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