The Wall Street Journal - 23.10.2019

(Steven Felgate) #1

A4| Wednesday, October 23, 2019 PWLC101112HTGKBFAM123456789OIXX *** THE WALL STREET JOURNAL.**


U.S. NEWS


President Zelensky should
want to do this himself,” ac-
cording to the testimony.
Mr. Taylor said that con-
versation between the presi-
dent and Mr. Sondland was
described to him by Tim Mor-
rison, an official on the Na-
tional Security Council. Mr.
Morrison didn’t respond to a
request for comment.
Thenextday,accordingto
the testimony, Mr. Sondland
told Mr. Taylor that he had
spoken with the president and
that Mr. Trump was “adamant
that President Zelensky, him-
self, had to ‘clear things up
and do it in public.’”
Mr. Sondland said he had
spoken to Mr. Zelensky and his
aide Andriy Yermak and told
them that “although this was
not a quid pro quo, if Presi-
dent Zelensky did not ‘clear
things up’ in public, we would
be at a ‘stalemate.’ ” Mr. Tay-
lor said he understood a
“stalemate” to mean the U.S.
wouldn’t release the military
aid to Ukraine.
Mr. Zelensky subsequently
agreed to make a public state-
ment in a CNN interview, Mr.
Sondland told Mr. Taylor, ac-

cording to his testimony. Mr.
Zelensky didn’t ultimately
make such a statement.
Days later, Mr. Taylor
learned the hold had been
lifted amid growing questions
on Capitol Hill over why the
aid had been held up. He gave
no indication in his prepared
remarks that he ever spoke to
Mr. Trump directly about the
Ukraine matter.
Mr. Trump and Mr. Giuliani
have contended, without pre-
senting evidence, that Mr. Bi-
den’s anticorruption push in
Ukraine while vice president
was designed to head off any
investigation of his son’s role
at Burisma Group. Both Bidens
have denied wrongdoing and
said they never discussed the
younger Mr. Biden’s business
in Ukraine.
Mr. Trump has also called
for Ukraine to investigate a
Democratic National Commit-
tee computer server that he
has claimed is now in Ukraine.
That call relates to an unsub-
stantiated theory that it was
Ukraine, not Russia, that
hacked Democratic networks
during the 2016 election, a
theory that contradicts find-

ble and were deeply troubled
by his testimony.
“It was real explosive testi-
mony—the No. 1 witness we’ve
heard from so far,” said Rep.
Adriano Espaillat (D., N.Y.).
Rep. Harley Rouda (D., Calif.)
said Mr. Taylor’s opening
statement produced “a lot of
sighs and gasps” in the hear-
ing room.
Republicans, meanwhile,
played down Mr. Taylor’s tes-
timony. “Nothing new here,”
said Rep. Mark Meadows (R.,
N.C.), a top ally of Mr. Trump
on Capitol Hill. He added that
he hadn’t seen any witness so
far suggest that there was a
quid pro quo involving U.S. aid
to Ukraine.
Mr. Taylor is the latest in a
series of diplomats and other
officials who have testified in
closed sessions before House
committees as part of the im-
peachment inquiry into inter-
actions between Mr. Trump,
Mr. Giuliani and Ukraine.
Mr. Taylor told House com-
mittees that his concern about
how the Trump administration
was conducting foreign policy
toward Ukraine began immedi-
ately upon his arrival there.
“There appeared to be two
channels of U.S. policy-making
and implementation, one regu-
lar and one highly irregular,”
he said.
The irregular channel, he
said, included Kurt Volker,
then the U.S. special envoy for
Ukraine negotiations; Mr.
Sondland; Energy Secretary
Rick Perry; and Mr. Giuliani.
That group, Mr. Taylor said,
operated largely outside of of-
ficial State Department chan-
nels but would sometimes
loop him in.
Mr. Taylor said his under-
standing of what leverage the
Trump administration was us-
ing to pressure Ukraine to un-
dertake investigations evolved
over the summer. Early on, he
understood that a White
House meeting between the
Ukraine president and Mr.
Trump was contingent on the
announcement of those inves-
tigations; he later understood
that the aid would be contin-
gent, too, he said.
In a June 18 call with
Messrs. Volker, Sondland and
Perry, and other officials, Mr.
Taylor said it was “clear” that
a meeting between the two
presidents was a shared goal.
—Jesse Naranjo
and Andrew Duehren
contributed to this article.

WASHINGTON—A tweet by
President Trump comparing the
U.S. House’s impeachment in-
quiry to a lynching became the
latest test for Republicans, as
GOP lawmakers seeking to criti-
cize Democrats over the probe
instead found themselves again
on the defensive because of the
president’s rhetoric.
“All Republicans must re-
member what they are witness-
inghere-alynching,” Mr.
Trump tweeted on Tuesday
morning. “But we will WIN!”
More than 4,000 African-
Americans were lynched in
Southern states between 1877
and 1950, according to the
Equal Justice Initiative, a non-
profit that recognizes the vic-
tims of such extrajudicial kill-
ings. The crimes were often
done as a public spectacle to
traumatize black people, the
group says, and those killed of-
ten weren’t guilty of any crime.
Democrats condemned the
president’s remark. “It’s horri-
ble, it’s shameful,” said Sen.
Doug Jones (D., Ala). “I want
him to come down to Mont-
gomery, Alabama, to see the
lynching memorial to see what
that really means to people.”
Many Republicans also ques-
tioned the use of the word.
Speaking at his weekly news
conference with Senate GOP
leaders, Senate Majority Leader
Mitch McConnell (R., Ky.) said:
“Given the history in our coun-
try, I would not compare this to
lynching.” He added, “That was
an unfortunate choice of words.
It is an unfair process.”
“That’s not the language I
would use,” said House Minor-
ity Leader Kevin McCarthy (R.,
Calif.), a staunch defender of
the president.
Other Republicans ducked
the question. Sen. Mike Rounds
of South Dakota said he hadn’t
seen the president’s tweet.
Sens. Roy Blunt of Missouri and
David Perdue of Georgia de-
clined to comment.
White House spokesman Ho-
gan Gidley said lynching was
one of “many words to describe
the way he has been treated.”
He added: “The president is not
comparing what’s happened to
him with one of the darkest
moments in American history.”
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R.,
S.C.), a Trump ally, was one of
the few Republicans to approve
the use of the term. “If we, as
Republicans, took a Democratic
president and did this to them,
you would not be so offended
by the word,” Mr. Graham told
reporters when asked to explain
what he meant when he called
the impeachment inquiry a
lynching “in every sense.”
Meanwhile, former Vice
President Joe Biden apologized
Tuesday night for saying in a
CNN interview in 1998 that
then-President Bill Clinton’s im-
peachment could be seen as a
“partisan lynching.”
“This wasn’t the right word
to use and I’m sorry about
that,” Mr. Biden wrote on
Twitter. “Trump on the other
hand chose his words deliber-
ately today in his use of the
word lynching and continues
to stoke racial divides in this
country daily.”
—Siobhan Hughes
and Michael C. Bender
contributed to this article.

BYLINDSAYWISE
ANDNATALIEANDREWS

Trump


‘Lynching’


Twe e t Is


Criticized


has said the ACA should be in-
validated by the courts by
largely backing a lawsuit from
18 Republican-led states to end
the law. Its continued stabiliza-
tion could increase criticism of
the administration’s stance.

in 2018. Thirty-nine states
used the federal exchange,
healthcare.gov, in 2019.
The health law, which was
signed in 2010, set up market-
places, or exchanges, where
people can purchase coverage
if they don’t get it through
their employer or another fed-
eral program. Most people
who buy on the ACA ex-
changes also get subsidies that
help offset premium costs.
Premiums climbed rapidly in
the law’s early years, with
benchmark rates rising 37% be-
tween 2017 and 2018, in part
because insurers initially un-
derpriced plans and lost money
when people were sicker than
expected. The drop in rates for
2020 could boost sign-ups
when open enrollment for ACA
plans begins Nov. 1—and could
have political ramifications.
The Trump administration

It is also a challenge for
Democrats who assert that the
White House and Republicans
are sabotaging the law.
Six states will see double-
digit percentage declines in
average premiums for the
most popular ACA plans on
the federal exchange for 27-
year-olds.
Delaware premiums will drop
20%, for example, and Nebraska
premiums will drop 15%, ac-
cording to the Centers for Medi-
care and Medicaid Services.
Overall, the average bench-
mark premium for an unsubsi-
dized 27-year-old will drop to
$388 a month in 2020 from
$406 in 2019. The average
maximum subsidy amount for a
27-year-old who meets eligible
criteria in 2020 will be $323.
For a family of four, the av-
erage benchmark premium will
go to $1,520 a month from

$1,591. If the family gets the
average maximum subsidy
amount next year, it could pay
$445 a month. There also are
premium options with lower
and higher prices.
Some actions by Republi-
cans and the Trump adminis-
tration have put upward pres-
sure on premiums. Insurers
blamed some rate increases on
congressional Republicans’ de-
cision to end the ACA’s pen-
alty for not having insurance.
Insurers also have said they
raised premiums because Presi-
dent Trump in 2017 ended bil-
lions of dollars in payment to
offset the cost of providing
certain subsidies to consumers.
The administration in 2018
also sharply cut funding for
outreach programs. Support-
ers of the ACA say premium
drops would be even greater
without those initiatives.

But administration actions
also have been cheered by
some insurers, employers and
states, including its approval
of waivers under the ACA that
let states lower premiums
through reinsurance programs.
Reinsurance provides money to
insurers who cover people
with expensive health condi-
tions so the costs aren’t passed
on in the form of higher rates
for other consumers.
Enrollment on the exchanges
has fallen short of initial expec-
tations. When the ACA passed,
the nonpartisan Congressional
Budget Office had projected 21
million people would gain cov-
erage through the exchanges by


  1. About 10.6 million people
    had paid-up coverage in the
    first quarter of 2019, a roughly
    5% decline from early 2018, ac-
    cording to the Kaiser Family
    Foundation.


Premiums for the most pop-
ular health plans sold under
the Affordable Care Act will
drop for the second consecu-
tive year, the Trump adminis-
tration said, as the law enters
its 10th year and shows in-
creasing signs of stabilizing.
Average rates for the most
popular, middle-priced plan will
fall 4% in 2020 for a 27-year-
old buying health insurance on
the federal exchange, though
premiums will vary widely by
location, federal health officials
said Tuesday. Rates had also
declined 1.5% in 2019, after
years of double-digit-percent-
age premium increases.
Additionally, 20 more insur-
ance providers will participate
in states that use the federal
exchange, bringing the total to
175 issuers compared with 132


BYSTEPHANIEARMOUR


ACA Health-Plan Premiums Are Set to Drop


2016 ’17 ’18 ’19 ’

0

100

200

300

400

$

Averagebenchmarkplan
monthlypremiumcostfora
27-year-oldonthefederal
exchange

Note: Most people on the exchanges get
subsidies that lower these costs further.
Source: Health and Human Services

Bill Taylor, the acting U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, arrives at the Capitol on Tuesday to testify before House committees.

dential election.
According to Mr. Taylor’s
testimony, a copy of which
wasreviewedbyTheWall
Street Journal, Mr. Sondland
told him that “‘everything’
was dependent on such an an-
nouncement”—both a White
House meeting, which Mr. Zel-
ensky had sought for months,
and the release of the aid. “He
said that President Trump
wanted President Zelensky ‘in
a public box’ by making a pub-
lic statement about ordering
such investigations,” Mr. Tay-
lor told House committees in a
closed session, according to
the testimony.
“Ambassador Sondland
tried to explain to me that
President Trump is a business-
man,” Mr. Taylor said in his
testimony. “When a business-
man is about to sign a check to
someone who owes him some-
thing, he said, the business-
man asks that person to pay
up before signing a check.”
Mr. Taylor’s testimony gets
to the heart of the impeach-
ment inquiry, which is probing
whether the president abused
the power of his office to pres-
sure a foreign leader to under-
take investigations that could
benefit Mr. Trump’s re-elec-
tion bid.
The 15-page opening state-
ment, which Democratic law-
makers said was based on Mr.
Taylor’s contemporaneous
notes, provided the most de-
tailed account to date of alleged
interactions among the presi-
dent, U.S. diplomats and Ukrai-
nian officials concerning the in-
vestigations Mr. Trump wanted
Ukraine to undertake and the
aid he had ordered held up.
White House press secre-
tary Stephanie Grisham said in
a statement: “President Trump
has done nothing wrong—this
is a coordinated smear cam-
paign from far-left lawmakers
and radical unelected bureau-
crats waging war on the Con-
stitution. There was no quid
pro quo.”
Mr. Giuliani has defended
his efforts in Ukraine and said
he worked in conjunction with
the State Department. A law-
yer for Mr. Sondland declined
to comment.
Mr. Trump has defended his
actions regarding Ukraine as
“perfect” and has called the
inquiry a “hoax.” He has re-
peatedly denied that aid for
Ukraine was contingent on
Kyiv opening new probes.
Last week, White House
acting chief of staff Mick Mul-
vaney said that Mr. Trump
wanted Ukraine to open a new
investigation related to the
2016 election, among other
demands, in return for the aid.
Mr. Mulvaney later reversed
himself and said that wasn’t
the case.
According to Mr. Taylor’s
statement, Mr. Trump repeat-
edly told officials that he
wasn’t seeking a “quid pro
quo”—but effectively laid out
a trade between the aid and
the investigations. In a con-
versation with Mr. Sondland
on Sept. 7, in which Mr. Sond-
land asked him whether there
was a quid pro quo between
the two issues, Mr. Trump de-
nied the existence of one—but
“did insist that President Zel-
ensky go to a microphone and
say he is opening investiga-
tions of Biden and 2016 elec-
tion interference, and that


ContinuedfromPageOne


Diplomat


Says Aid,


Probe Tied


White House, Allies
Look to Coordinate

President Trump has signed
off on regular conference calls
between senior White House
aides and select Republican law-
makers to coordinate messaging
and legal strategies on the
House impeachment probe, one
of the few proactive measures
undertaken so far by West Wing
officials who have been unwilling
to cooperate in the investigation.
The weekday calls started
recently as a response to criti-
cism from conservative allies
that the White House was leav-
ing them out of the loop, accord-
ing to White House officials fa-
miliar with the calls. But from
the White House perspective,
there has been little to be
looped into.
Since House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi (D., Calif.) announced the
impeachment inquiry on
Sept. 24, the White House has
struggled to settle on a strategy
to counter the investigation or
to reframe the debate on its
terms.
The White House didn’t
mark its own battle lines for the

probe until Oct. 8, when the ad-
ministration released an eight-
page letter that stipulated it
wouldn’t engage with the inquiry
into Mr. Trump for pressuring
Ukraine to investigate his politi-
cal rivals.
The push for the calls was
initiated by conservative House
Freedom Caucus members, un-
happy they weren’t clued in to
the White House thinking and
concerned there wasn’t a strat-
egy for how Republican lawmak-
ers should approach depositions
during the investigation, said a
House Republican aide.
A breaking point came when
House Republicans were sur-
prised by the White House
blocking Gordon Sondland, the
ambassador to the European
Union, from testifying earlier this
month. They found out by read-
ing headlines that morning, the
aide said. Mr. Sondland eventu-
ally did testify after Democrats
subpoenaed him.
The White House hasn’t
added any additional staff to
handle the impeachment inquiry,
which means responsibilities are
being handled by existing staff
in a West Wing marked by his-
toric turnover and constantly un-
filled positions. The small group

in charge of overseeing the
White House response includes
senior adviser and Trump son-in-
law Jared Kushner, acting chief
of staff Mick Mulvaney, White
House counsel Pat Cipollone and
Stephanie Grisham, the press
secretary and communications
director, White House officials
said.
In a signal that communica-
tion remains imperfect between
the White House and Senate
Majority Leader Mitch McCon-
nell, the Kentucky Republican on
Tuesday disputed an assertion
from Mr. Trump that he told the
president he was fine with his
July phone call with the Ukraine
president that is now at the
center of the impeachment in-
quiry. Mr. Trump said on Oct. 3
that Mr. McConnell, after having
read a transcript, told him it was
“the most innocent phone call
that I’ve ever read.”
But at his Tuesday weekly
news conference, Mr. McConnell
said, “I don’t recall any conversa-
tions with the president about
that phone call.”
A White House spokesman
didn’t respond to a request for
comment.
—Michael C. Bender
and Natalie Andrews

OLIVIER DOULIERY/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

ings by U.S. intelligence agen-
cies and former special coun-
sel Robert Mueller. There is no
evidence to support the claim
that any Democratic server
wound up in Ukraine.
Mr. Taylor’s testimony was
of particular interest to the
House committees because
previously released text mes-
sages showed he had raised
concerns with other U.S. diplo-

mats over a possible quid pro
quo. In his testimony, refer-
ring to a text message in
which he said it would be
“crazy” to hold up aid to a
country in exchange for help
with a political campaign, Mr.
Taylor said: “I believed that
then, and I still believe that.”
Democratic lawmakers who
listened to Mr. Taylor on Tues-
day said they found him credi-

The testimony gets
to the heart of the
impeachment
inquiry.
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